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Critical Topics and Their Significance for the UPSC CSE Examination on March 05, 2025
Daily Insights and Initiatives for UPSC Exam Notes: Comprehensive explanations and high-quality material provided regularly for students
What are the issues around delimitation?
For Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance
For Mains Examination: GS II - Polity & Governance
Context:
There has been a renewed debate about delimitation after the issue was raised by the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu. The delimitation of constituencies for the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies is to be carried out on the basis of the first Census after 2026.
Read about:
What is a Delimitation Commission?
Census Exercise
Key takeaways:
- Delimitation refers to the process of determining the number of seats and defining the boundaries of territorial constituencies in each state for both the Lok Sabha and Legislative Assemblies.
- This task is undertaken by the Delimitation Commission, which is established through an act of Parliament. Past delimitation exercises were conducted based on the Census figures of 1951, 1961, and 1971.
- The total number of Lok Sabha seats was fixed at 543 following the 1971 Census, when the population stood at 54.8 crores. Since then, this figure has remained unchanged to promote population control initiatives.
- However, a revision is scheduled to take place after the first Census conducted post-2026. With the 2021 Census delayed due to the COVID-19 pandemic, discussions have emerged linking it to the upcoming delimitation process.
Key Issues in Delimitation
Over the past five decades, India's population growth has been uneven across states. Northern states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan have experienced significantly higher growth rates compared to southern states like Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh. Two possible approaches to delimitation are being considered:
- Retaining the current number of 543 seats while redistributing them among states.
- Expanding the Lok Sabha to 848 seats, proportionally increasing representation across states.
Union Home Minister Amit Shah recently assured that no state would lose its existing seat share and that any increase would be implemented on a pro-rata basis. However, the criteria for this proportional allocation—whether based on the current seat distribution or projected population—is unclear.
If future seat allocation follows projected population figures, southern states, along with smaller northern states like Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and Uttarakhand, as well as northeastern states, may receive fewer seats compared to larger northern states. This could potentially disrupt the federal balance, diminishing political influence for regions that have successfully controlled their population. Currently, southern states hold a 24% share of Lok Sabha seats, which could drop by 5% under such a system.
Possible Solutions
- Democracy is based on the principle of one citizen, one vote, one value. However, this principle has already been adjusted since 1976, when delimitation was first postponed to encourage population control.
- In contrast, the United States has maintained a fixed number of 435 seats in its House of Representatives since 1913, despite its population nearly quadrupling from 9.4 crores in 1911 to an estimated 34 crores in 2024.
- The primary role of a Member of Parliament (MP) is to legislate on matters in the Union List and oversee the functioning of the Union Government, while most central schemes are executed by state administrations.
- Despite India's population rising from 55 crores to 145 crores over the past five decades, the Lok Sabha has functioned effectively with 543 MPs. With the country’s population expected to peak at 165-170 crores in the next three decades before gradually declining, maintaining the current number of Lok Sabha seats could be a viable option. This would preserve existing state-wise representation and uphold the federal structure.
- To safeguard regional political interests, MPs and political leaders from southern states, smaller northern states, and the northeastern region should advocate for capping Lok Sabha seats at 543. Meanwhile, to ensure adequate local representation, state assemblies could increase the number of MLAs in proportion to projected population growth
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Answer (C)
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Evolving U.S.-Taiwan Relations
- The U.S. State Department’s updated factsheet on Taiwan, released on February 16, signals a shift in U.S.-Taiwan relations. Notably, it no longer explicitly states that the U.S. does not support Taiwan's independence and affirms U.S. backing for Taiwan’s participation in international organizations where applicable.
- While Washington described this as a routine update, it was welcomed by Taiwan but strongly criticized by Beijing. China's Foreign Ministry condemned the revision, calling it a serious policy regression that sends a misleading message to pro-independence forces in Taiwan.
- The foundation of U.S. policy toward Taiwan remains the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979, which commits the U.S. to maintaining strong commercial, cultural, and other ties with Taiwan while ensuring that Taiwan receives defensive arms. This framework justifies continued U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, which remain a major point of contention with China.
Donald Trump's Approach to Taiwan
- Former U.S. President Donald Trump’s policies on Taiwan were unpredictable, shaped by ongoing trade tensions with China. During his campaign, he suggested that Taiwan had taken away the U.S. semiconductor industry and emphasized that Taiwan should bear the financial burden of its defense.
- Under Trump’s leadership, Taiwan negotiated a U.S. arms deal worth $7–10 billion and increased its defense budget to 2.5% of its GDP. Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te expressed interest in expanding communication with Trump and increasing investments in the U.S. The Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) announced plans to invest approximately $100 billion in U.S. manufacturing, raising its total investment to $165 billion.
- Despite Trump’s remarks about Taiwan being geographically distant, making U.S. intervention in a conflict difficult, his administration approved $10 billion in arms deals and completed sales worth $18 billion. Additionally, he enacted key legislations strengthening U.S.-Taiwan ties, including the Taipei Act, Taiwan Travel Act, and Taiwan Assurance Act.
Taiwan’s Growing Vulnerability
- Chinese military activities in the Taiwan Strait have intensified, with frequent exercises and strategic maneuvers aimed at increasing pressure on Taiwan. President Xi Jinping has worked to isolate Taiwan diplomatically, particularly during the tenure of the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which has governed since 2016.
- Under the DPP’s leadership, Taiwan has lost multiple diplomatic allies to Beijing, leaving only 12 countries that maintain official ties with Taipei.
- The 2024 elections were held amid heightened Chinese military drills, including cyber-attacks and the use of surveillance balloons. These tactics are part of Beijing’s broader strategy to reinforce the possibility of a military intervention
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Answer (B)
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- The Indian Constitution and various legal provisions permit a sitting legislator to run for another office while retaining one if elected. This situation generally presents three key scenarios.
- Firstly, under Article 101(1) of the Constitution and Section 69 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, an individual cannot hold dual membership in Parliament and must vacate one seat upon winning.
- Secondly, Article 101(2) and the Prohibition of Simultaneous Membership Rules, 1950, stipulate that if a legislator is elected to another legislature, they must resign from their previous seat within 14 days of the election result. Thirdly, the same rules require an MLA elected to multiple state assemblies to resign from one within 10 days.
- These legal provisions have often been used strategically by politicians. For example, in the 2024 general elections, multiple sitting Rajya Sabha members and MLAs contested for Lok Sabha seats, resulting in vacancies that must be filled through by-elections.
- As per Section 151A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, such vacancies must be addressed within six months, leading to frequent elections.
- Conducting elections is a costly affair; the Election Commission of India (ECI) spent approximately ₹3,870.3 crore on the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, and with inflation, the estimated expenditure for the 2024 elections was around ₹6,931 crore.
- Additionally, political parties spent nearly ₹1.35 lakh crore in the 2024 elections, according to estimates from the Centre for Media Studies. This financial burden is further exacerbated in state assembly elections, where sitting legislators frequently contest for parliamentary seats.
- The primary motivation behind this practice is political advantage rather than public service. For instance, in Punjab, nine MLAs, including five ministers, contested the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.
- While this approach enhances their electoral chances, it may compromise public trust, as voters expect representatives to serve their full term. Moreover, the resulting by-elections impose an additional voting burden on citizens.
- Another issue is the “parachuting” of legislators into constituencies where they lack strong local ties. This undermines the benefit of electing a representative familiar with local concerns, leading to voter dissatisfaction and reduced turnout in by-elections. Additionally, such moves disregard local party workers’ aspirations, causing internal conflicts within political organizations.
- Furthermore, the enforcement of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) during elections affects governance by delaying policy implementation and projects, leading to cost overruns. However, constitutional safeguards exist.
- The Supreme Court, in Kuldeep Nayar v. Union of India, affirmed that both the right to vote and the right to be elected are constitutional rights, allowing legislators to seek representation in any constituency unless legally restricted.
- Additionally, in a centralized federal system, prominent state leaders securing parliamentary positions could bring in greater resources, justifying their shift from state to national politics. Despite these advantages, the drawbacks of this practice outweigh the benefits.
- Internationally, similar regulations exist. In Canada, a sitting MP can contest for a provincial legislature but must vacate their parliamentary seat if elected. However, a state legislator cannot run for the House of Commons under the Parliament of Canada Act.
- Australia follows a stricter rule, requiring a sitting member to resign before contesting for another legislative chamber. Similarly, Italy prohibits individuals from contesting elections for both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies simultaneously.
- One potential solution to address this issue in India is the implementation of the One Nation, One Election (ONOE) system, which could reduce the frequency of elections and curb political opportunism. However, its effectiveness depends on preventing midterm elections from becoming frequent.
- Additionally, India could adopt the practice seen in other nations by mandating that sitting legislators resign before filing nominations for another election. To discourage unnecessary elections, legislators could also be required to bear the cost of by-elections triggered by their resignation.
- Another approach would be amending Article 101 of the Constitution and the Representation of the People Act to restrict sitting legislators from contesting in multiple constituencies, ensuring candidates represent the constituencies they genuinely intend to serve.
- A more balanced reform could involve introducing a mandatory cooling-off period between elections. This would prevent sitting legislators from contesting another election in quick succession.
- Furthermore, if the legislature is set to dissolve within a year, legislators should be barred from contesting another seat, thereby avoiding the need for elections within six months under Section 151A of the RP Act.
- Addressing the issue of sitting members contesting other elections is a relatively simple yet crucial reform for India’s parliamentary democracy. Small yet impactful changes could enhance the stability and efficiency of governance, provided there is political consensus and willingness to implement such reforms
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Answer (B)
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How mandala system shaped governance in India and Southeast Asia?
For Preliminary Examination: Iqtas, Land Revenue Systems like Zamindari System
For Mains Examination: GS I - Modern Indian History
Context:
Have you dropped a pebble in a pond? Have you seen the ripples, appearing in concentric circles, one after another? This is how the ancient Indians imagined the mind responding to every new piece of information, or sensation
Read about:
Rig Veda
Upanishads
Key takeaways:
The Mandala system played a crucial role in shaping governance in India and Southeast Asia, influencing both political structures and statecraft. Originating from Kautilya’s Rajamandala theory in the Arthashastra (circa 300 BCE), this model conceptualized power as a series of concentric circles, with the king at the center, surrounded by allies, tributary states, and hostile entities. This concept was later expanded through Tantric Buddhism, influencing governance and state organization across regions.
Mandala System in India
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Rajamandala Model of Kingship
- The king was at the center of governance, surrounded by vassals (samantas), allies, and rival states.
- Power was fluid—states expanded or contracted based on the ruler’s strength.
- A balance of diplomacy, warfare, and alliances was maintained to sustain control.
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Gupta and Later Indian Kingdoms
- The Gupta Empire (4th–6th century CE) adopted the Mandala system, integrating smaller kingdoms into its sphere of influence.
- Chola, Vijayanagara, and Rajput kingdoms continued this model, using a federated structure where local rulers acknowledged a central authority but retained autonomy.
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Influence on Hindu Temple Architecture
- The Mandala concept influenced temple architecture, where a central shrine was surrounded by smaller shrines, mirroring political power hierarchies.
Mandala System in Southeast Asia
The Mandala system traveled to Southeast Asia, shaping governance in kingdoms like Srivijaya, Majapahit, Khmer Empire, and Ayutthaya.
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Decentralized but Hierarchical Power Structure
- Instead of a rigid territorial state, Southeast Asian polities were organized as Mandala kingdoms, where power radiated outward from the central ruler.
- Tributary states paid homage but had relative autonomy.
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Spread of Buddhism and Hinduism
- The Khmer Empire (Cambodia) built the Angkor Wat complex, mirroring a cosmic mandala with concentric enclosures.
- Borobudur (Indonesia) was designed as a Buddhist Mandala, symbolizing spiritual and political order.
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Political Diplomacy and Tribute System
- Kingdoms like Srivijaya (Indonesia) and Ayutthaya (Thailand) maintained regional dominance by balancing tribute and alliances.
- Instead of direct control, influence was exerted through economic and military dominance, much like Kautilya’s Rajamandala model.
Follow Up Question
1.How did mandalas influence architectural designs in Hindu temples and Buddhist stupas across India and Southeast Asia?
2.How did the Rajamandala concept in Kautilya’s Arthashastra influence the political strategies of ancient Indian kingdoms?
For Preliminary Examination: Yamuna river flood plains, Yamuna Sutlej river linking
For Mains Examination: GS I - Inter river linking projects
Context:
Elections for the Delhi Legislative Assembly have concluded and there is a new party in power. This is the dance of democracy, but this time there was one key difference. When pollsters asked people why they voted against the party in power, the answers threw up issues that we know matter but do not make it to the list
Read about:
Sutlej - Yamuna river linking
Yamuna Flood Plains
Key takeaways:
- As the newly formed government embarks on the task of cleaning the Yamuna, it must recognize a few key aspects. Firstly, past state administrations, including the most recent one, were not indifferent to the river’s deteriorating condition.
- Every government has expressed a commitment to restoring the Yamuna, which has effectively turned into a sewage canal. Substantial financial resources—provided by both the Union and state governments—have already been allocated.
- Official reports indicate that approximately ₹6,500 crore was spent between 2017 and 2021. However, this figure may not fully capture the total expenditure, as funds come from multiple sources and are distributed under different budget heads. Therefore, the issue is not a lack of intent or financial investment.
- Secondly, a structured plan exists for the river’s rejuvenation, and given that Delhi is at the center of this issue, various judicial bodies, including the Supreme Court and the National Green Tribunal, are actively monitoring the situation.
- Regular reports are submitted to these courts, and government agencies are held accountable for progress. Thus, it would be incorrect for the incoming government to assume that no efforts have been made. Such claims may serve political narratives before elections but do not contribute to meaningful action.
- Despite significant investments, attention, and planning, the river’s condition has not improved. Monthly assessments by the Delhi Pollution Control Committee reveal that when the Yamuna enters Delhi at Palla or Wazirabad, its water quality is relatively acceptable.
- However, within a short span of its 22-km stretch through the city, pollution levels rise drastically. By the time water samples are tested at the Interstate Bus Terminal (ISBT), oxygen levels plummet from the required 5 mg/liter to zero, and faecal coliform levels escalate sharply.
- This oxygen depletion signifies the absence of aquatic life, essentially rendering the river lifeless within Delhi’s boundaries. The existing action plan must be revised to achieve tangible results, as the current approach is ineffective.
- To begin with, efforts should go beyond merely tracking the construction of sewage treatment plants (STPs). The real focus should be on intercepting and treating the actual volume of sewage.
- A significant portion of Delhi still lacks underground sewerage infrastructure, yet current policies only acknowledge this issue superficially. Many residents rely on desludging tankers to manage waste, meaning the government does not necessarily need to invest in expanding underground pipelines.
- Instead, the priority should be registering all desludging tankers, equipping them with GPS, and setting up a control system to track their operations. Additionally, collected waste must be transported to treatment facilities where sludge and wastewater can be properly processed and repurposed.
- Another critical measure is ensuring that treated wastewater is not released into open drains, where it inevitably mixes with untreated sewage. Instead, all treated water must be fully recycled and reused. Currently, the Delhi Economic Survey suggests that less than 10% of treated wastewater is reused, while most STPs are located far from the riverbanks.
- As a result, treated water is discharged into the same drains that carry raw sewage, ultimately negating any potential benefits. A more effective action plan must address pollution from the city's 22 major drains by assessing not just standard pollution indicators like Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) but also the total volume of wastewater.
- The city must formulate a strategy for each drain, focusing on minimizing pollution through sewage interception, preventing the mixing of treated and untreated wastewater, and treating any remaining pollution as close to the discharge point as possible.
- At present, Delhi extracts water from the Yamuna but returns only sewage. Moving forward, it must ensure that the water it returns is clean and usable. Only then can the river be truly revived
Follow Up Question
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Answer (A)
To arrange the tributaries of the Yamuna River from west to east, let's analyze their geographical positions:
Correct order from west to east: Chambal (4) → Sindh (3) → Betwa (1) → Ken (2)Thus, the correct answer is: |
Private entities to gain access to state-owned degraded forests for afforestation
For Preliminary Examination: Afforestation, Environment Protection
For Mains Examination: GS III - Environment & Ecology
Context:
Private entities may soon be granted access to degraded forests in Madhya Pradesh for afforestation projects, with the opportunity to earn carbon credits. A draft policy titled Forest Restoration Using CSR, CER, and Non-Governmental Funds, released by the state’s forest department, reveals that out of Madhya Pradesh’s 9.5 million hectares of forest, 3.7 million hectares are classified as degraded.
Read about:
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR)
Corporate Environmental Responsibility (CER)
Key takeaways:
- Private entities in Madhya Pradesh may soon gain access to degraded forest land for afforestation projects, allowing them to earn carbon credits. A draft policy, Forest Restoration Using CSR, CER, and Non-Governmental Funds, issued by the state's forest department, highlights that 3.7 million hectares out of Madhya Pradesh’s total 9.5 million hectares of forest are classified as degraded.
- The policy seeks to involve private organizations in restoring these forests due to insufficient government funding for large-scale ecological rehabilitation. This initiative aims to improve green cover, provide essential ecological benefits, and support forest-based livelihoods for local communities.
Key Policy Details
- The estimated cost of afforestation varies between ₹5 lakh and ₹8 lakh per hectare, depending on factors such as location, land size, soil conditions, and climate. The policy encourages financial contributions from Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Environmental Responsibility (CER) funds. Industrial and corporate entities, individuals, and voluntary organizations can participate in the restoration efforts, selecting degraded forest areas between 10 and 10,000 hectares for a tenure of 60 years.
- Investors will have rights to carbon credits for the duration of the agreement, while Joint Forest Management Committees (JFMCs) will retain a 10% share. Although investors can choose the species for plantation, exotic species are not permitted. Ownership of the land remains with the state government, and timber rights will also be retained by the government.
- The policy mandates adherence to existing regulations, including the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980, the Indian Forest Act, 1927, and the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006. A tripartite agreement will be established between the investor, the Madhya Pradesh State Forest Development Corporation (MPSFDC), and JFMCs, defining their respective roles and responsibilities.
Carbon Credit and Revenue Sharing
- Regarding forest produce, 80% of the total yield—including intermediate products—will be divided among the investor and MPSFDC, while the remaining 20% will go to JFMCs. The MPSFDC’s share will not be lower than 30%, ensuring a final allocation of 20% for JFMCs, 30% for the corporation, and 50% for the investor.
- MPSFDC will manage the extraction of forest produce, with costs divided accordingly. The harvested produce will be auctioned through open tendering, and the investor will have the first right to purchase at the highest bid price.
- The draft policy grants investors the right to carbon or green credits in accordance with Indian government regulations. These credits can be utilized throughout the agreement period, with JFMCs maintaining a 10% stake in them
Follow Up Question
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Answer (A)
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| Subject | Topic | Description |
| Polity | Fundamental Duties | Fundamental Duties |
| Environment & Ecology | Biodiversity in India | Biodiversity |
| History | Modern Indian History | Constitutional Development in India |
| History | Modern Indian History | Peasants, Tribal and other movements |
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