SC to hear plea challenging Telangana’s enhancement of OBC quota to 42%, gross reservation to 67% in local bodies

For Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international Significance

For Mains Examination: GS II - Indian Polity

Context:

The Supreme Court is scheduled to examine on Monday a petition challenging an order issued by the A. Revanth Reddy-led Congress government in Telangana enhancing the Backward Class quota in municipalities and panchayats to 42%, leading to the gross reservation in local bodies to 67%.

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Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST)

Economically Weaker Sections (EWS)

Key takeaways:

• The Indian Constitution embodies the idea of social justice by providing for reservations in education, public employment, and political representation to uplift historically disadvantaged groups such as the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
• The framers of the Constitution recognized that mere formal equality was insufficient in a society deeply marked by caste-based discrimination and social inequality. Therefore, they included special provisions to ensure substantive equality.
• The foundation of reservation lies in Article 15 and Article 16. Article 15 prohibits discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth, but it also empowers the State under Article 15(4) and 15(5) to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes, as well as for SCs and STs.
• This has been the constitutional basis for reservations in educational institutions, including private unaided institutions, though not in minority institutions.
• Similarly, Article 16 guarantees equality of opportunity in public employment, while Article 16(4) allows the State to provide reservation in appointments or posts for any backward class of citizens not adequately represented in government services.
• Furthermore, Article 16(4A) permits reservation in promotions for SCs and STs, while Article 16(4B) enables carrying forward of unfilled reserved vacancies to subsequent years.
• Political representation is safeguarded by Articles 330 and 332, which reserve seats for SCs and STs in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies respectively. In addition, Article 243D and Article 243T extend similar provisions to Panchayats and Municipalities, ensuring grassroots-level political participation.
• The policy of reservation is also supported by Article 46, a Directive Principle of State Policy, which directs the State to promote the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections, particularly SCs and STs, and protect them from social injustice.
• Over the years, constitutional amendments and judicial pronouncements have further shaped the reservation framework. For example, the 103rd Constitutional Amendment (2019) introduced reservation for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) among the general category under Articles 15(6) and 16(6), marking a major expansion of affirmative action beyond caste-based considerations.
• Thus, reservation in India rests on a delicate balance between the constitutional promise of equality and the need for compensatory discrimination. The provisions are not meant to be permanent, but rather transitional tools to achieve a level playing field.
• The Supreme Court, through various judgments like Indra Sawhney (1992) and M. Nagaraj (2006), has repeatedly emphasized that reservations must not undermine meritocracy but should operate as instruments of social justice within the constitutional framework

 Cap of 50 % reservation

• The 50% ceiling on reservations was laid down by the Supreme Court in the landmark Indra Sawhney v. Union of India (1992) case, also known as the Mandal case. The Court held that reservations should not exceed half of the available seats or posts, so as to preserve the balance between social justice and meritocracy.
• However, over time, this ceiling has come under pressure due to demands from various communities seeking inclusion in the reservation framework.
• One of the main arguments for increasing the cap is that the 50% limit is not expressly mentioned in the Constitution; rather, it is a judicially created principle. The Constitution itself, through provisions like Articles 15(4), 15(5), 16(4), and 16(4A), empowers the State to make special provisions for disadvantaged groups without explicitly restricting the extent of reservation.
• Proponents argue that rigid adherence to the 50% limit may prevent genuine backward communities from receiving the benefits of affirmative action.
• Another justification lies in India’s social realities. Vast sections of the population, across castes and communities, continue to face social and educational disadvantages.
• For example, States like Tamil Nadu have already gone beyond the 50% ceiling, with nearly 69% reservation, protected under the Ninth Schedule.
• Supporters contend that social justice in India’s unique context cannot be bound by an arbitrary numerical ceiling.
• The Supreme Court itself, in upholding the 103rd Constitutional Amendment that introduced the 10% EWS quota, indirectly opened the door to reconsidering the 50% ceiling.
• The Court clarified that the cap is not an inviolable constitutional principle but only a rule of prudence. This suggests that Parliament and State legislatures can expand reservation beyond 50% if justified by circumstances, especially in light of contemporary socio-economic data.
• On the other hand, critics warn that raising the cap could undermine the principle of equality of opportunity. They argue that excessive reservations may dilute merit, efficiency, and competitiveness in education and employment.
• Moreover, there is concern that political pressure, rather than objective criteria, often drives the expansion of quotas, leading to “reservation politics” rather than genuine empowerment.
• The challenge, therefore, is to strike a balance between ensuring social justice for disadvantaged groups and maintaining fairness for the unreserved categories

Follow Up Question

Mains

1.The 50% cap on reservations in India has been a subject of debate, especially after the introduction of the 10% quota for the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS). Critically examine the constitutional and socio-economic dimensions of the reservation ceiling. Discuss whether the current reservation framework strikes a balance between social justice and meritocracy.

Small Modular Reactors(SMRs)

For Preliminary Examination:  Current events of national and international Significance like modular reactors

For Mains Examination: GS III Achievements of Indians in science & technology

Context:

Reliance Industries Ltd, India’s largest private sector corporation, Tata Power, and Adani Power are among six private entities that are learnt to have formally expressed interest to set up small modular nuclear reactor-based projects.

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How are SMRs different from traditional nuclear reactors?

What are the challenges in developing SMRs?

Key takeaways:

• Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) are compact nuclear reactors with a capacity ranging from 30 MWe to 300 MWe per unit. They are being increasingly viewed as crucial for ensuring that nuclear energy remains commercially viable, particularly at a time when large-scale nuclear projects across the world are facing delays in execution.
• Although SMRs generate roughly one-third of the electricity that traditional nuclear power plants can produce, they are still capable of supplying significant amounts of low-carbon energy.
• Their flexibility makes them attractive for energy-intensive industries such as steel, aluminium, and cement. Moreover, they can be installed by retrofitting existing thermal power plant sites that are due for decommissioning, thereby giving a second life to old infrastructure.
• Nuclear power is uniquely positioned as a clean, continuous source of electricity that helps overcome the intermittency problem of renewable sources like solar and wind. Against this backdrop, New Delhi has been actively promoting SMRs, highlighting their potential to decarbonise industries while also projecting India as a leader in advancing this technology.
• In response to tenders issued by the state-owned Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) for the proposed Bharat Small Modular Reactors (BSMRs), major companies such as Hindalco Industries, JSW Energy, and Jindal Steel have shown interest. Six states — Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, and Chhattisgarh — have collectively earmarked around 16 potential sites for these reactors.
• The proposed BSMRs will be built and operated under NPCIL’s supervision, with the corporation maintaining operational authority and asset ownership, while private bidders will have beneficial rights to the electricity produced for captive consumption.
• Globally, two SMR projects are already functional. Russia’s Akademik Lomonosov, a floating nuclear plant with two 35 MWe modules, began operations in May 2020.
• In China, the HTR-PM demonstration project was connected to the grid in December 2021 and reportedly entered commercial operation in December 2023.
• For India, the BSMR initiative is not only part of its clean energy transition but also a step toward embedding SMRs in its foreign policy as a technology-led offering. However, India faces technological challenges.
• Its civil nuclear programme has traditionally relied on pressurised heavy water reactors (PHWRs) of 220 MWe and above, which use natural uranium and heavy water. These are increasingly considered outdated compared to pressurised water reactors (PWRs) — light-water designs that dominate the global nuclear energy landscape.
• To address this gap, India is pursuing a mixed-technology approach. The Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) is developing at least three indigenous SMR prototypes across different reactor designs. Simultaneously, India is seeking to collaborate with countries like the US and Russia, which already have advanced capabilities in SMR and light-water reactor technologies.
• At the policy level, the government is in the process of amending key legislations governing the nuclear sector. The objective is to harmonise India’s legal framework with international standards, remove investor uncertainties, and pave the way for greater participation in the civil nuclear energy market

 Follow Up Question

Mains

1."Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) are being seen as a game-changing technology in the global clean energy transition. Discuss their significance for India in terms of energy security, industrial decarbonisation, and foreign policy. What challenges must India overcome to successfully adopt SMRs?"

• The Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution provides a framework for the governance of tribal areas in the northeastern states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram. Inclusion of Ladakh under this Schedule would enable the creation of Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) and Autonomous Regional Councils (ARCs), which are elected bodies with authority over tribal areas.
• These councils would have legislative powers over various subjects such as forestry, agriculture, village and town administration, inheritance, marriage, divorce, and social customs.
• The Schedule also empowers ADCs and ARCs to collect land revenue, impose taxes, regulate money lending and trade, levy royalties from mineral leases or licenses, and develop public infrastructure like schools, markets, and roads.
• In 2019, the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes recommended that Ladakh be brought under the Sixth Schedule, citing several reasons: the region has a tribal population exceeding 97%, there are restrictions on land acquisition by outsiders, and Ladakh possesses a distinct cultural heritage that needs protection.
• Following violent incidents linked to these demands, climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, who had been on a 35-day hunger strike, ended his fast. The Leh administration imposed restrictions on gatherings of four or more people as a precaution.
• The unrest occurred ahead of scheduled talks between the Centre and the Leh Apex Body on October 6, after a four-month hiatus. Government sources indicated that Wangchuk was seen as a potential obstacle to the negotiations.
• The roots of the issue go back to 2019, when the repeal of Article 370 and the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act led to the bifurcation of the state into two Union Territories: Jammu and Kashmir with a legislature, and Ladakh without one.
• The political and legal status of Ladakh has remained a matter of debate, with the people advocating for Sixth Schedule inclusion due to the high proportion of Scheduled Tribes (over 90%).
• Under Article 244, the Sixth Schedule allows the establishment of ADCs, which govern tribal-majority areas. These councils, each having up to 30 members serving five-year terms, can legislate on issues related to land, forests, water, agriculture, village councils, health, sanitation, and policing at village and town levels.
• Currently, there are 10 ADCs in the Northeast, distributed as three each in Assam, Meghalaya, and Mizoram, and one in Tripura.
• Sonam Wangchuk, an engineer and innovator of sustainable technologies, is widely recognized for inspiring the character portrayed by Aamir Khan in the 2009 film 3 Idiots.
• In 2018, he was awarded the Ramon Magsaysay Award for his systematic, community-driven reforms in education and his efforts to improve opportunities for Ladakhi youth, serving as a model for minority communities worldwide