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Governor’s office in Opposition-ruled States and Genome Mapping and its significance for the UPSC Exam? Why are topics like Sub Categorisation of Scheduled Caste, Caste Census important for both preliminary and main exams? Discover more insights in the UPSC Exam Notes for April 14, 2025 |
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Critical Topics and Their Significance for the UPSC CSE Examination on April 14, 2025
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What has the SC ruled on the T.N. Governor?
For Preliminary Examination: Governor and their powers
For Mains Examination: GS II - Indian Polity & Governance
Context:
On April 8, the Supreme Court declared Tamil Nadu Governor R.N. Ravi’s prolonged refusal to give his assent to 10 Bills as illegal and erroneous in law. In a landmark verdict, Justices J.B. Pardiwala and R. Mahadevan underscored the importance of cooperative federalism, amid growing concerns over the increasing politicisation of the Governor’s office in Opposition-ruled States
Read about:
Governor’s office in Opposition-ruled States
Article 200 of the Constitution
Key takeaways:
Understanding the Assent Process
- Article 200 of the Indian Constitution outlines the authority granted to a State Governor when a Bill, passed by the State legislature, is submitted for assent. The only exception pertains to Money Bills, which are automatically considered to have received assent.
- For other types of Bills, the Governor has three options: approve the Bill, withhold assent and send it back to the Assembly for reconsideration, or forward it to the President for consideration.
- However, only those Bills that significantly affect the powers of the High Court and threaten its constitutional role may be sent to the President.
- As per the first proviso of Article 200, if the Governor decides to withhold assent, the Bill must be returned to the legislature "as soon as possible," along with recommendations for review or amendments. Should the legislature pass the Bill again—either with or without changes—the Governor is then constitutionally bound to provide assent.
Is a ‘Pocket Veto’ Possible?
- The tension between Governors and Opposition-led States often revolves around the interpretation of this proviso. While the Constitution requires prompt action, it does not set a specific timeframe, allowing some Governors to delay action indefinitely without officially rejecting or returning the Bill—a practice known informally as a “pocket veto.”
- However, the judiciary has clarified that the use of the word “shall” in the main text of Article 200, along with the phrase “as soon as possible,” rules out the legality of such indefinite delays.
- Allowing such unchecked power, he noted, would erode the principles of representative democracy.
Role of the President in the Assent Process
- The court further restricted the Governor’s discretion by ruling that once a Bill is returned, reconsidered by the legislature, and passed again, it cannot be referred to the President—unless it is substantially altered from its original form.
- Additionally, the Governor's decision to reserve a Bill cannot be based on subjective dissatisfaction or political motives; it must relate to serious concerns about democratic integrity.
- Importantly, the court set a three-month deadline for the President to decide on Bills sent by Governors. This timeline begins from the day the reference reaches the President. Any delay beyond this must be justified and communicated to the concerned State.
- The court also advised that the President may consider consulting the Supreme Court under Article 143 of the Constitution to obtain legal clarity, given the absence of a provision for Governors to seek judicial guidance directly.
- To safeguard the legislative process at the State level, the court imposed clear timelines on Governors: any decision to withhold assent or refer a Bill to the President must be taken promptly and within one month.
- If the Governor withholds assent against Cabinet advice, the Bill must be returned within three months, along with a written explanation. Similarly, if a Bill is reserved for the President despite ministerial opposition, it must also happen within three months.
- In cases where the legislature re-passes a Bill, the Governor is obliged to grant assent within one month. Exceptions to these timelines may be accepted only if justified with valid reasons
Follow Up Question
1.With reference to the Legislative Assembly of a State in India, consider the following statements: ( UPSC 2019)
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
A. 1 only
B. 2 only
C. Both 1 and 2
D. Neither 1 nor 2
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Answer (C)
Statement 1: The Governor makes a customary address to Members of the House at the commencement of the first session of the year. Statement 2: When a State Legislature does not have a rule on a particular matter, it follows the Lok Sabha rule on that matter. Thus, both statements are correct |
How will genetic mapping of Indians help?
For Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international Significance
For Mains Examination: GS III - Science & technology
Context:
The preliminary findings of the GenomeIndia project, which attempted to study whole genomes of 10,000 healthy and unrelated Indians from 83 population groups, were published in the journal Nature Genetics on April 8. After excluding two populations, the published findings are based on the genetic information of 9,772 individuals — 4,696 male participants and 5,076 female participants.
Read about:
Genome Mapping
Genome India project
Key takeaways:
- On April 8, the journal Nature Genetics published initial findings from the GenomeIndia project, which aimed to sequence the entire genomes of 10,000 healthy, unrelated individuals from 83 different population groups across India.
- Ultimately, the results reflect data from 9,772 participants—comprising 4,696 men and 5,076 women—after excluding two groups. Launched in January 2020 with support from the Department of Biotechnology, the project collected blood samples and phenotype data such as height, weight, waist and hip measurements, and blood pressure from a total of 20,000 individuals. Out of these, 10,074 samples were selected for genome sequencing.
- This pan-India initiative involved collaboration among 20 institutions, with major sequencing efforts carried out at the Centre for Brain Research (IISc Bengaluru), Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology (Hyderabad), Institute of Genomics & Integrative Biology (Delhi), National Institute of Biomedical Genomics (Kolkata), and Gujarat Biotechnology Research Centre (Gandhinagar).
- From each of the 83 population groups—including 30 tribal and 53 non-tribal communities—samples were gathered from a median of 159 people in non-tribal groups and 75 in tribal groups. The goal was to identify rare mutations that could be linked to complex diseases.
- To ensure statistical reliability in mutation frequency, only unrelated individuals were sampled, with each group also including three to six parent-child trios to help detect de novo mutations (those that occur spontaneously in a child but are absent in the parents).
- The project included sequencing from five tribal communities—Tibeto-Burman, Indo-European, Dravidian, Austro-Asiatic, and a mixed continental outgroup—as well as three non-tribal counterparts representing the same linguistic backgrounds.
- Language served as a proxy for genetic diversity, so the sampling reflected India’s four major language families: Indo-European, Dravidian, Austro-Asiatic, and Tibeto-Burman.
- However, four ancient Andamanese populations—believed to date back 65,000 years—and two relatively recent groups (around 5,500 years old) were not included in this study.
- In total, the sequencing revealed around 180 million genetic mutations—130 million in autosomal (non-sex) chromosomes and 50 million in sex chromosomes.
- This vast number of mutations is not unexpected given the complexity of the human genome, which consists of roughly three billion DNA base pairs.
- These findings are particularly significant given that the sequenced individuals came from 83 genetically distinct endogamous communities.
- Notably, around 98% of the human genome comprises non-coding DNA, which does not produce proteins, and a substantial portion of the discovered variants fall within these regions.
- Genetic variations in non-coding regions—especially those that are conserved through evolution—can shed light on human ancestry. Understanding this is critical, as many contemporary Indian communities trace their roots to a limited number of founding populations and have practiced endogamy over centuries, preserving unique genetic signatures.
- All 83 groups studied show a high prevalence of endogamy, leading to distinct genetic mutations that are often more common within specific communities. These unique mutations may also increase the frequency of certain genetic disorders within these groups.
- Historically, global genome studies have been dominated by data from European populations, leaving countries like India—despite its enormous genetic diversity—largely underrepresented.
- The GenomeIndia project addresses this gap by documenting genetic variation across diverse Indian communities, making it one of the most significant efforts in this space.
- The findings have far-reaching implications: identifying group-specific genetic mutations linked to diseases can help formulate targeted public health strategies.
- The data is expected to spur research into the relationship between genetic variation and disease, contributing to the advancement of precision medicine tailored to Indian genetic profiles.
- Furthermore, it can enable the development of cost-effective diagnostic tools based on genomics, promoting early disease detection, prevention, and management across the country
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Answer (D)
Statement 1: Genome sequencing can be used to identify genetic markers for disease resistance and drought tolerance in various crop plants. Statement 2: This technique helps in reducing the time required to develop new varieties of crop plants. Statement 3: It can be used to decipher the host-pathogen relationships in crops. |
The division of 59 Scheduled Caste sub-castes into three categories was based on their relative levels of social and economic backwardness.
The first category included 15 sub-castes identified as the most disadvantaged, accounting for 3.288% of the SC population. These groups were allocated 1% of the reservation quota.
The second category consisted of 18 sub-castes that made up 62.74% of the SC population and had received limited benefits previously. They were allotted 9% reservation.
The third category, comprising 26 sub-castes and representing 33.96% of the SC population, was considered relatively more advanced than the others and was granted 5% reservation
Sub Categorisation of Castes
- The sub-categorisation of castes, particularly within the Scheduled Castes (SCs), is a policy approach aimed at addressing the unequal distribution of benefits among various sub-castes that fall under the larger SC category.
- This process involves dividing the total number of sub-castes into distinct groups based on the degree of social, educational, and economic backwardness they experience.
- In one such instance, the 59 sub-castes within the SC community were grouped into three categories.
- The first category included those sub-castes that were found to be the most marginalised and underprivileged, constituting a small fraction—around 3.288%—of the overall SC population.
- Given their limited access to opportunities and benefits, they were allocated a proportionate 1% reservation to help improve their socio-economic standing.
- The second group consisted of sub-castes that represented the majority, making up approximately 62.74% of the SC population.
- These groups had received only marginal benefits from existing welfare schemes and policies. To ensure more equitable support, they were granted a larger share of the reservation quota—9%—to help close the developmental gap.
- The third group, which comprised the remaining sub-castes, accounted for about 33.96% of the SC population. These communities were assessed to be relatively more advanced in comparison to the other two groups.
- Consequently, they were allotted 5% reservation, reflecting their relatively better access to opportunities and existing benefits.
- Through such sub-categorisation, the goal is to ensure a more balanced and just distribution of affirmative action benefits, so that the most disadvantaged groups within the larger SC category are not left behind
1.Consider the following statements about Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) in India: (UPSC CSE 2019)
1. PVTGs reside in 18 states and one Union Territory.
2. A stagnant or declining population is one of the criteria for determining PVTG status.
3. There are 95 PVTGs officially notified in the country so far.
4. Irular and Konda Reddi tribes are included in the list of PVTGs.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
(a) 1, 2 and 3
(b) 2, 3 and 4
(c) 1, 2 and 4
(d) 1, 3 and 4
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Answer (c)
Statement 1: PVTGs reside in 18 states and one Union Territory Statement 2: A stagnant or declining population is one of the criteria for determining PVTG status Statement 3: There are 95 PVTGs officially notified in the country so far Statement 4: Irular and Konda Reddi tribes are included in the list of PVTGs |
- The caste-specific data collected through the Socio-Economic and Educational Survey, commonly referred to as the caste census, conducted by the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes has sparked controversy. A small portion of the population either declined to share their caste identity or were unaware of it at the time of enumeration.
- According to the survey data, which was approved by the Cabinet on Friday, around 73,399 families — of which 53,241 resided in urban regions — chose not to disclose their caste. This group represented approximately 2.53 lakh individuals (including 1.12 lakh women), accounting for roughly 0.425% of the state's population.
- The government has yet to publish the complete findings, which are set to be reviewed in a special Cabinet meeting scheduled for April 17.
- Additionally, about 35,845 families, including 27,535 from urban areas, identified themselves as not belonging to any caste or declared themselves as "caste-free." Their total population is estimated at 1.34 lakh, which is nearly 0.225% of those counted in the state.
- These findings are emerging in a politically sensitive environment where various caste groups are asserting discrepancies in their reported numbers or raising concerns about incorrect caste identification.
- Out of Karnataka’s estimated 6.35 crore population, about 5.98 crore people from 1.35 crore households were covered in the 2015 survey. The data is seen as a critical resource that could influence political strategies and assist the government in better targeting communities that have historically been left out of reservation benefits.
- Furthermore, 52,272 families — primarily from urban regions — marked themselves under the category indicating a lack of knowledge about their caste. This group amounts to about 1.94 lakh individuals or 0.324% of the total population. For 3,755 people from 967 households, the survey was unable to determine caste or community identity.
- Officials from the Commission noted that individuals who either did not disclose their caste or lacked caste identity were excluded from the final enumeration figures
- The caste census, particularly in the context of Karnataka, refers to a detailed survey carried out to document the socio-economic and educational status of different caste groups in the state.
- This initiative, officially known as the Socio-Economic and Educational Survey, was conducted by the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes in 2015.
- The objective was to gather comprehensive data on the population distribution across castes, which could then inform the state’s policy-making, especially regarding reservations and social welfare schemes.
- Out of the state's projected population of approximately 6.35 crore, about 5.98 crore individuals from 1.35 crore households were successfully surveyed. The survey aimed to document not just the caste identity of people but also critical socio-economic indicators such as literacy levels, employment status, income, and access to government benefits.
- However, the release of the caste-wise data from this survey has been a contentious issue. It has sparked political debate and social tensions, largely because it provides an updated picture of the demographic strength of various castes — a subject that has long been politically sensitive in India.
- The data can significantly impact the existing reservation structure and the distribution of resources, and hence, many caste groups have lobbied either to claim that their numbers have been underrepresented or to assert that their categorization in the survey was inaccurate.
- Interestingly, the survey also revealed that a small but notable segment of the population either refused to disclose their caste or claimed to be caste-free. Some individuals were simply unaware of their caste, while others consciously opted out of the identification process.
- This section of the population was excluded from the final caste-wise enumeration. The findings related to this group — which amounted to a few lakhs — highlight a growing trend of people distancing themselves from caste identity, though their numbers are relatively small.
- As of now, while portions of the data have been accepted by the state Cabinet, the complete report has not yet been made public. The government has scheduled a special Cabinet session to deliberate on its findings.
- The caste census, once fully released, is expected to reshape the way Karnataka approaches social justice, affirmative action, and welfare distribution. It also has the potential to influence political alignments and electoral strategies, given how central caste dynamics are to Indian politics.
- In essence, the caste census is not just a demographic exercise — it is a socio-political document with far-reaching consequences for governance, equity, and representation
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Answer (d)
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The Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act aims to revise Section 8(1)(j) of the Right to Information (RTI) Act, 2005. Currently, this provision restricts public authorities from disclosing personal information unless it is relevant to public interest or the public activity in question. It also safeguards against unwarranted invasions of individual privacy, unless an overriding public interest justifies the disclosure.
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Under the new provisions proposed by the DPDP Act, the exception that allowed disclosure in the public interest has been removed. In response, several civil society groups advocating for RTI and digital rights recently launched a campaign opposing these changes, arguing that the Act enforces a sweeping restriction on sharing personal data without consent.
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The RTI Act, effective from October 2005, marked a major step toward enhancing transparency. It empowered citizens by granting them the right to access information from government institutions, thereby promoting accountability in governance.
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As per the official RTI portal, the Act was established to empower citizens, promote openness and accountability in government functions, combat corruption, and ensure the democratic process truly serves the people. These four objectives form the foundation of the RTI framework.
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The Act also established mechanisms for grievance redressal through the creation of the Central and State Information Commissions. Section 12 specifies that the Central Commission should include a Chief Information Commissioner and up to ten Information Commissioners as required.
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In a ruling last year, the Delhi High Court stated that the Central Information Commission lacks authority to scrutinize how Members of Parliament spend funds allocated under the MPLAD scheme.
Right to Privacy
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Addressing criticisms from opposition parties, Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw emphasized that safeguarding personal data is crucial, especially since the Supreme Court in the Puttaswamy case declared privacy an essential part of the Right to Life. He affirmed that the data protection law aims to uphold both personal privacy and transparency in governance.
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In August 2017, a unanimous verdict by a nine-judge Supreme Court bench in the case of K.S. Puttaswamy vs Union of India held that the right to privacy is a fundamental right, derived from Article 21 and other freedoms outlined in Part III of the Constitution.
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The landmark judgment came as a result of Justice Puttaswamy’s challenge to the Aadhaar initiative, which eventually led the Supreme Court to recognize privacy as a constitutionally protected right under Article 21
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Answer (C)
Other options:
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1. Legacy of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, widely known as B.R. Ambedkar, remains a towering figure in the history of Indian democracy. Born on April 14, 1891, he played multiple influential roles—as a jurist, economist, politician, and social reformer.
One of his most notable achievements was spearheading the movement for Dalit rights and social upliftment. He was instrumental in raising Dalit political awareness, thereby empowering the community in its struggle for representation and equality.
2. Role in Constitution-Making
Ambedkar’s profound understanding of constitutional law and his comparative study of global constitutions guided him in drafting India's Constitution. Often referred to as the principal architect of the Indian Constitution, his contributions are particularly significant in ensuring fundamental rights, promoting a strong central government, and safeguarding the rights of minority groups. Though he passed away on December 6, 1956, Ambedkar continues to influence thinkers, reformers, and leaders across generations.
3. Ambedkar’s Thoughts on Democracy
Ambedkar once stated that the concept of democracy was not alien to Indian tradition, asserting that democratic principles were deeply rooted in ancient India.
He pointed out, “India was once home to many republics… Buddhist Sanghas functioned like parliaments and adhered to procedures akin to modern parliamentary norms.” According to Ambedkar, Buddha likely adopted this system from the political assemblies already in practice during his era.
4. Ambedkar on Buddhism and Marxism
In one of his essays, written in a clear and analytical manner, Ambedkar compared the philosophies of Buddhism and Marxism. He acknowledged that both aimed at building an equitable and joyful society but felt that the Buddhist path was ethically superior.
He addressed potential criticism by Marxists, suggesting that if they approached Buddhism with an open mind, free from prejudice, they might find value in the teachings of Buddha, despite the ancient origins.
5. Views on Education
Ambedkar broke barriers as the first Dalit to enroll at Elphinstone College in Bombay. Later, he pursued higher education at Columbia University under a Baroda State scholarship and continued at the London School of Economics.
As the head of the Constitution’s drafting committee and independent India’s first Law Minister, he championed education as a key to empowerment and social change. In 1923, he established the ‘Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha’ to promote education among the marginalized. A prolific scholar and speaker, Ambedkar left behind a rich legacy of writings and ideas that continue to inspire
Consider the following statements about Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar:
1. He became the first law minister of independent India.
2. The most significant contribution of the B.R. Ambedkar lay in galvanising the movement for Dalit emancipation.
3. He led the Mahad Satyagraha of 1927.
4. He is the author of Administration and Finance of the East India Company.
How many of the statements given above are correct?
(a) Only one
(b) Only two
(c) Only three
(d) All four
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Answer (d)
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| Subject | Topic | Description |
| Polity | Centre and State relations | Centre State and interstate relations |
| Environment & Ecology | Marine Ecosystem | Marine Ecosystem |
| Economy | Consumer Rights | Consumer Rights |
| Ancient History | Buddhism | Buddhism |
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