• In 1975, the Punjab government issued a notification dividing its 25% Scheduled Caste (SC) reservation into two distinct categories. The first category exclusively reserved seats for the Balmiki and Mazhbi Sikh communities, as they were considered among the most economically and educationally disadvantaged groups in the state. These communities were given priority access to reservations in education and public employment.

• The second category comprised the remaining SC communities, who did not receive this preferential treatment. This was one of the earliest instances of sub-classification within an existing reservation system, aiming to extend additional benefits to certain groups beyond the general SC category.

• Although this policy remained in effect for nearly 30 years, it encountered legal challenges in 2004 when a five-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court invalidated a similar law in Andhra Pradesh. In the case ‘E.V. Chinnaiah v. State of Andhra Pradesh,’ the Court struck down the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Castes (Rationalisation of Reservations) Act, 2000, ruling that it violated the right to equality. The law had outlined a comprehensive list of SC communities and allocated specific reservation benefits to each group.

• On August 1, 2024, a seven-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court, in a 6-1 majority ruling, determined that Scheduled Castes are not a socially homogeneous group and that states have the authority to sub-classify them to ensure reservations benefit the most disadvantaged communities among them.

• As per the Bill presented by Minister Damodar Rajanarasimh, the Scheduled Caste quota will now be divided into three groups:

  • Group I will receive 1% reservation within the 15% SC quota
  • Group II will be allotted 9% reservation
  • Group III will receive 5% reservation

• Calling it a historic moment, Telangana Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy acknowledged the long-standing struggle for SC sub-categorization, highlighting the sacrifices made by activists in the movement. He specifically referred to the Madiga Reservation Poratta Samithi (MRPS), an organization that had actively campaigned for sub-categorization, benefiting the Madiga community, which has now been allocated 9% reservation

• The role of women in Indian politics has long intrigued researchers, particularly due to the striking contrast between the emergence of prominent female leaders and the generally low levels of political involvement among women. While many nations saw the gender gap in political participation begin to close in the 1990s, India experienced this change much later, around the 2010s.
• Debates about women’s political roles often emphasize societal and cultural obstacles that limit their success in elections, yet little focus is given to how ordinary women interact with the voting process when given the chance.
• Their voting behavior, preferences, and influence on election results remain largely unexamined. Moreover, while political parties and women’s advocacy groups often praise female voters during election periods, they tend to view them as a uniform group, ignoring how factors like caste, class, religion, and geography shape their political actions.
• Examples such as women’s backing of Donald Trump in the 2016 U.S. elections or their involvement in India’s 1990s riots reveal the intricate nature of women’s political participation, calling for deeper exploration.
• By analyzing how women cast their votes and whether their decisions stem primarily from gender or other social factors

Passive Recipients or Decision-Makers?

• As noted, women’s voting participation surged significantly in the 2010s, prompting political parties to target them with tailored policies and programs. However, these efforts often cast women as mere recipients of benefits rather than active political players.
• Welfare schemes like Ujjwala and Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana were key to the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) 2019 parliamentary win, while initiatives such as ‘Ladli Behna’ and ‘Ladli Laxmi’ bolstered its success in Madhya Pradesh. Such programs tend to portray women as reliant on political generosity, rather than as independent actors in the democratic process.

Beyond the Ballot

• The uptick in women’s voter turnout during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections is significant, but political engagement extends beyond voting to include activities like attending rallies, joining campaigns, affiliating with parties, and advocating for policies.
• In these areas, women continue to trail men. Although only 14% of women say they consult their spouses about voting—suggesting increasing independence—this figure is still notably higher than for men, hinting at persistent social and structural constraints on broader political involvement.
• Some scholars attribute the rise in women’s voting to a “self-empowerment” theory, linking it to growing literacy and job opportunities that enable independent decision-making. The Election Commission’s push to register more female voters may also play a role. 
• Additionally, the gender imbalance in voter registration persists, with fewer women enrolled compared to men.
• Another possible factor behind higher female turnout could be the widespread migration of men, particularly in states seen as socially and economically lagging, leaving women to dominate local voting. These patterns suggest that while turnout has risen, women’s deeper political engagement remains constrained.

Interplay of Identities

• Women’s voting choices in India are not solely tied to gender but are heavily influenced by regional, caste, and class factors. NES data show that state-specific political and social dynamics strongly affect electoral preferences, challenging the notion of a cohesive women’s voting bloc across India. Instead, women’s decisions are shaped by their broader community affiliations.
• This complexity is evident in state-level differences. In places like Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and West Bengal, where regional parties dominate, women’s voting often aligns with local movements rather than national gender trends.
• Caste and class add further layers: the BJP typically attracts urban, upper-class, and upper-caste voters, while Congress garners support from the urban poor and marginalized groups. Still, many women, especially from lower-income backgrounds, prioritize community interests over a unified gender agenda.

Party Preferences Among Women

• Historically, Congress has enjoyed stronger support from women than men, a trend that held in 2024, except during its 2014 nationwide slump. Left-leaning parties also once had a gender edge, though their waning influence has reduced this impact.
• The BJP, however, has generally faced a gender gap, with fewer women than men supporting it. This gap, once over 20%, shrank to about 7% in 2024, thanks to the party’s focused efforts to woo female voters—though much of this support comes from welfare recipients, and men still back the BJP more than women do.
• Regional differences add nuance. In some states not governed by the BJP, women outpaced men in supporting the party, even without a surge in female turnout. Elsewhere, women leaned toward opposition parties, creating an inconsistent gender divide.
• This indicates that while the BJP has gained ground among women, their voting preferences hinge on more than just gender, reflecting a mix of intersecting identities and local political climates.

Key Observations

• Data from past elections reveal three main trends in women’s political role in India. First, while their voter turnout has climbed, their participation beyond voting lags behind men’s. Second, gender alone doesn’t dictate their voting or political involvement—caste, class, and regional factors are equally critical.
• Third, despite outreach efforts, the BJP has historically struggled to win over women as much as men.
• These findings suggest that a distinct women’s voting constituency in Indian politics remains elusive, as their electoral behavior is deeply tied to broader social and political dynamic