DAILY CURRENT AFFAIRS, 07 APRIL 2026

REMOVAL OF CHIEF ELECTION COMMISSIONER

1. Context

Rajya Sabha Chairman C. P. Radhakrishnan and Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla have rejected a notice submitted by 193 Opposition MPs across both Houses seeking the removal of Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar. No specific reasons were cited for the rejection.

2. Process of appointment

The Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and other Election Commissioners are appointed by the President of India based on the recommendations of a three-member selection panel, which includes the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition (LoP), and a Union Cabinet Minister.
As per the 2023 Act, the appointees must be former secretary-level officers in the Government and should be individuals of proven integrity, with adequate knowledge and experience in managing and conducting elections.
Their tenure is fixed at six years or until they attain the age of 65, whichever is earlier. The CEC is entitled to the same privileges, service conditions, and salary as a judge of the Supreme Court

3. Process of removal

Article 324(5) of the Constitution provides that the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) can only be removed in the same manner and on the same grounds as a Supreme Court judge.
This safeguard is reiterated in Section 11(2) of the 2023 Act. The provision also specifies that an Election Commissioner or Regional Commissioner may be removed only if the CEC recommends it.
This high threshold was intentionally designed to insulate the Election Commission of India (ECI) from political influence.
Under Article 124(4) of the Constitution, which outlines the removal procedure for Supreme Court judges, removal is permitted solely on grounds of “proved misbehaviour or incapacity.”
Misbehaviour generally refers to corrupt acts, abuse of power, or conduct inconsistent with the role of the CEC, while incapacity denotes the inability to carry out official duties.
The process begins with a notice of motion in either House of Parliament, explicitly alleging misbehaviour or incapacity.
Once admitted, a committee of enquiry investigates the charges. For the motion to succeed, it must be passed by a two-thirds majority of members present and voting in both Houses of Parliament.
If the motion passes, the President formally removes the CEC. In this matter, the President has no discretionary power, acting strictly in accordance with Parliament’s decision

4.Constitution and Election Commission of India

The Constitution includes a series of articles (Articles 324–329) that grant powers to the Election Commission and outline its possible roles and responsibilities.

Article 324: Grants the authority for overseeing, directing, and controlling the preparation of electoral rolls and the conduct of all elections to Parliament, state legislatures, and the offices of the President and Vice-President.
Article 325: Prohibits exclusion from electoral rolls based on religion, race, caste, sex, or any of these factors.
Article 326: Establishes adult suffrage as the foundation for elections to the House of the People and State Legislative Assemblies.
Article 327: Allows Parliament to pass laws, in accordance with the Constitution, regarding all matters related to elections to Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies.
Article 328: Empowers state legislatures to enact laws concerning all matters related to elections to the state's legislative bodies.
Article 329: Prevents courts from interfering in electoral matters

5. ECI Responsibilities and Functions

The responsibilities and functions of the Election Commission of India (ECI) can be categorized into advisory, quasi-judicial, and administrative roles.

Advisory: The Constitution grants the ECI the authority to advise on the post-election disqualification of sitting members of Parliament and State Legislatures. The ECI is also consulted in cases where individuals are found guilty of corrupt practices during elections, as brought before the Supreme Court and High Courts, to decide if they should be disqualified from contesting future elections and for how long. In such matters, the President or, where applicable, the Governor, is required to follow the ECI's advice.
Quasi-Judicial: The ECI has the power to disqualify a candidate who fails to submit their election expense accounts within the legally required timeframe and format. It also has the authority to remove or reduce other legal disqualifications. Additionally, the ECI resolves disputes related to the recognition of political parties and the allocation of election symbols. The commission sets a model code of conduct and ensures compliance by all candidates and political parties during elections.
Administrative: The ECI's administrative duties include delimiting electoral constituencies and managing the registration of eligible voters, as well as regularly updating electoral rolls. The commission is responsible for announcing election schedules and dates, reviewing nomination documents, recognizing political parties, and assigning them election symbols. The ECI can also nullify voting in cases of violence, booth capturing, tampering, or other irregularities. It oversees the financial expenditure of political parties on candidates' campaigns impartially.

The ECI also designates specific roles to register political parties for elections and grants them the status of national or state parties based on their performance in the polls. These roles include the person in charge of elections, the District Election Officer, and the Election Registration and Returning Officer

6.Composition of Election Commission of India

Since its inception in 1950, the Chief Electoral Commissioner (CEC) was the sole member of the Election Commission of India (ECI). However, after the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18 in 1989, a large influx of new voters was added. To manage this increased workload, two additional commissioners were appointed, expanding the ECI to include three commissioners.
In January 1990, some changes were made to the structure of the ECI, but it was soon reverted to its original form. Following discussions and debates in the political sphere, the President ultimately reconstituted the commission in 1993, adding two more commissioners, establishing the current structure of the ECI.
The Chief Election Commissioner and the other election commissioners are appointed by the President, who also determines their terms of office and service conditions. All commissioners, including the CEC, receive the same salary, benefits, and powers as judges of the Supreme Court.
If there is a disagreement among the three members, decisions are made by a majority vote. Commissioners serve a term of up to six years or until they reach the age of 65, whichever comes first. They hold a status equivalent to that of Supreme Court justices in India.
The Chief Election Commissioner can only be removed from office through the same process used to remove a Supreme Court judge. This involves the President dismissing the CEC based on a resolution supported by a special majority in both Houses of Parliament, on grounds of proven misconduct or incapacity.
In conclusion, as outlined by the Constitution, the ECI is responsible for supervising, directing, and conducting elections for the offices of President, Vice President, state legislatures, and Parliament.
For elections to state-level urban bodies like municipalities and panchayats, a separate State Election Commission exists. The ECI plays a crucial role in upholding the democratic process by ensuring free and fair elections for key political positions in the country

For Prelims: Election Commission of India, Chief Election Commissioner, Election Commission (Conditions of Service of Election Commissioners and Transaction of Business) Act, 1991, State Election Commission, Article 324, Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and Voter Verified Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs).

For Mains: 1. Discuss the powers and functions of the Election Commission of India. How does the Election Commission ensure the conduct of free and fair elections in the Country? (250 words).

Previous year Question

1. Consider the following statements: (UPSC 2017)

1. The Election Commission of India is a five-member body.

2. Union Ministry of Home Affairs decides the election schedule for the conduct of both general elections and bye-elections.

3. Election Commission resolves the disputes relating to splits/mergers of recognized political parties.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

A. 1 and 2 only

B. 2 only

C. 2 and 3 only

D. 3 only

Answer: D

2. Consider the following statements : (UPSC 2021)

1. In India, there is no law restricting the candidates from contesting in one Lok Sabha election from three constituencies.

2. In the 1991 Lok Sabha Election, Shri Devi Lal contested from three Lok Sabha constituencies.

3. As per the- existing rules, if a candidate contests in one Lok Sabha election from many constituencies, his/her party should bear the cost of bye-elections to the constituencies vacated by him/her in the event of him/her winning in all the constituencies.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

A. 1 only

B. 2 only

C. 1 and 3

D. 2 and 3

Answer: B

Source: Indianexpress

ELECTION COMMISSION OF INDIA (ECI)

1. Context

Underlining that the independence of the Election Commission of India is central to the conduct of elections and the political process, Supreme Court judge Justice B V Nagarathna said Saturday “if those who conduct elections are dependent on those who contest them, the neutrality of the process cannot be assured”.

2. Election Commission of India (ECI)

The Election Commission of India (ECI) is a permanent and independent constitutional body tasked with ensuring the conduct of free and fair elections across the Union and States of India.
The ECI has the authority to supervise, direct, and manage elections to the Parliament, state legislatures, and the offices of the President and Vice President of India. However, since the ECI does not manage elections for state-level urban bodies such as municipalities and panchayats, a separate State Election Commission exists for this purpose.
Notably, based on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's guidance at the Constituent Assembly, a committee tasked with addressing Fundamental Rights suggested that the independence of elections and the protection from executive interference in legislative elections should be considered a fundamental right and included in the chapter on Fundamental Rights.
While the idea was generally accepted, some members proposed that it be placed in a different section of the Constitution. Consequently, the Drafting Committee, following the House's decision, moved this provision from the Fundamental Rights chapter to another part of the Constitution

3. Constitution and Election Commission of India

The Constitution includes a series of articles (Articles 324–329) that grant powers to the Election Commission and outline its possible roles and responsibilities.

Article 324: Grants the authority for overseeing, directing, and controlling the preparation of electoral rolls and the conduct of all elections to Parliament, state legislatures, and the offices of the President and Vice-President.
Article 325: Prohibits exclusion from electoral rolls based on religion, race, caste, sex, or any of these factors.
Article 326: Establishes adult suffrage as the foundation for elections to the House of the People and State Legislative Assemblies.
Article 327: Allows Parliament to pass laws, in accordance with the Constitution, regarding all matters related to elections to Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies.
Article 328: Empowers state legislatures to enact laws concerning all matters related to elections to the state's legislative bodies.
Article 329: Prevents courts from interfering in electoral matters

4. ECI Responsibilities and Functions

The responsibilities and functions of the Election Commission of India (ECI) can be categorized into advisory, quasi-judicial, and administrative roles.

Advisory: The Constitution grants the ECI the authority to advise on the post-election disqualification of sitting members of Parliament and State Legislatures. The ECI is also consulted in cases where individuals are found guilty of corrupt practices during elections, as brought before the Supreme Court and High Courts, to decide if they should be disqualified from contesting future elections and for how long. In such matters, the President or, where applicable, the Governor, is required to follow the ECI's advice.
Quasi-Judicial: The ECI has the power to disqualify a candidate who fails to submit their election expense accounts within the legally required timeframe and format. It also has the authority to remove or reduce other legal disqualifications. Additionally, the ECI resolves disputes related to the recognition of political parties and the allocation of election symbols. The commission sets a model code of conduct and ensures compliance by all candidates and political parties during elections.
Administrative: The ECI's administrative duties include delimiting electoral constituencies and managing the registration of eligible voters, as well as regularly updating electoral rolls. The commission is responsible for announcing election schedules and dates, reviewing nomination documents, recognizing political parties, and assigning them election symbols. The ECI can also nullify voting in cases of violence, booth capturing, tampering, or other irregularities. It oversees the financial expenditure of political parties on candidates' campaigns impartially.

5. Composition of Election Commission of India

Since its inception in 1950, the Chief Electoral Commissioner (CEC) was the sole member of the Election Commission of India (ECI). However, after the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18 in 1989, a large influx of new voters was added. To manage this increased workload, two additional commissioners were appointed, expanding the ECI to include three commissioners.
In January 1990, some changes were made to the structure of the ECI, but it was soon reverted to its original form. Following discussions and debates in the political sphere, the President ultimately reconstituted the commission in 1993, adding two more commissioners, establishing the current structure of the ECI.
The Chief Election Commissioner and the other election commissioners are appointed by the President, who also determines their terms of office and service conditions. All commissioners, including the CEC, receive the same salary, benefits, and powers as judges of the Supreme Court.
If there is a disagreement among the three members, decisions are made by a majority vote. Commissioners serve a term of up to six years or until they reach the age of 65, whichever comes first. They hold a status equivalent to that of Supreme Court justices in India.
The Chief Election Commissioner can only be removed from office through the same process used to remove a Supreme Court judge. This involves the President dismissing the CEC based on a resolution supported by a special majority in both Houses of Parliament, on grounds of proven misconduct or incapacity.
In conclusion, as outlined by the Constitution, the ECI is responsible for supervising, directing, and conducting elections for the offices of President, Vice President, state legislatures, and Parliament.
For elections to state-level urban bodies like municipalities and panchayats, a separate State Election Commission exists. The ECI plays a crucial role in upholding the democratic process by ensuring free and fair elections for key political positions in the country

For Mains: 1. Discuss the powers and functions of the Election Commission of India. How does the Election Commission ensure the conduct of free and fair elections in the Country? (250 words).

Previous year Question

1. Consider the following statements: (UPSC 2017)

1. The Election Commission of India is a five-member body.

2. Union Ministry of Home Affairs decides the election schedule for the conduct of both general elections and bye-elections.

3. Election Commission resolves the disputes relating to splits/mergers of recognized political parties.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

A. 1 and 2 only

B. 2 only

C. 2 and 3 only

D. 3 only

Answer: D

2. Consider the following statements : (UPSC 2021)

1. In India, there is no law restricting the candidates from contesting in one Lok Sabha election from three constituencies.

2. In the 1991 Lok Sabha Election, Shri Devi Lal contested from three Lok Sabha constituencies.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

A. 1 only

B. 2 only

C. 1 and 3

D. 2 and 3

Answer: B

Source: Indianexpress

MATERNITY LEAVE IN INDIA

1. Context

Last week, the Supreme Court ruled that adoptive mothers could avail themselves of 12 weeks of paid maternity leave regardless of the age of their children at the time of adoption. Striking down Section 60(4) of the Social Security Code, 2020 (previously Section 5(4) of the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961), which limited this benefit only to mothers who adopted children under the age of three months, the Court said that an adoptive mother had the same rights and obligations towards the child as a biological mother.

2. Maternity leave in India

The provision of statutory maternity benefits for working women in India traces its origins to the colonial period. The Bombay Maternity Benefit Act of 1929 was among the earliest laws, extending such benefits to women employed in factories.
Over time, similar legislation was introduced in other regions prior to Independence. Eventually, in 1961, Parliament enacted the Maternity Benefit Act, which granted 12 weeks of paid maternity leave to working women nationwide.
A significant reform came in 2017 with the Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act. This amendment increased paid maternity leave for biological mothers to 26 weeks and, for the first time, included provisions for adoptive and surrogate mothers.
Under Section 5(4), women who legally adopt a child below the age of three months, as well as commissioning mothers, are eligible for 12 weeks of maternity leave starting from the date the child is handed over to them

3. Drawbacks of the above law

While the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961 and its 2017 amendment marked a progressive step for working women, the framework has several structural and practical limitations that affect its effectiveness.
One of the most significant drawbacks is that the law places the entire financial burden of paid maternity leave on employers rather than the state.
This increases the cost of hiring women, especially in the private sector, and can unintentionally discourage employers from recruiting or promoting women of childbearing age. In this sense, a well-intentioned welfare measure may contribute to gender discrimination in hiring practices.
Another major limitation is its restricted coverage. The law applies mainly to women working in the formal sector, which constitutes only a small fraction of India’s workforce.
A vast majority of women employed in the informal sector—such as domestic workers, agricultural labourers, and gig workers—remain outside its scope, thereby excluding those who are often most vulnerable.
The 2017 amendment to the Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, 2017 extended leave to 26 weeks, which is beneficial for child and maternal health, but it has also raised concerns among employers regarding productivity and workforce continuity.
Smaller firms, in particular, may struggle to manage prolonged employee absence without adequate support or incentives from the government.
The provision for adoptive and surrogate mothers, while a positive inclusion, is limited in scope.
It applies only when the adopted child is below three months of age, excluding many adoptive parents who take in older infants or children. This creates an inconsistency in how caregiving responsibilities are recognized.
Additionally, the law does not adequately address paternity leave or shared parental responsibilities. By focusing almost entirely on mothers, it reinforces traditional gender roles and places the burden of childcare primarily on women, which can further affect their long-term career progression.
There are also implementation challenges. Awareness about entitlements remains low among workers, and compliance is uneven, particularly in smaller establishments. Monitoring mechanisms are not always robust, leading to gaps between legal provisions and actual practice

Supreme Court on Motherhood

The Court emphasized that motherhood should not be confined to a purely biological perspective. It recognized adoption as an integral aspect of reproductive autonomy. Highlighting the importance of leave, the Court observed that this period is essential for building a strong emotional connection between the mother and the child. It further pointed out that children raised in institutional settings often exhibit higher levels of stress hormones compared to those brought up in family environments, underscoring the need for adequate paid leave even in cases involving older adopted children

4. Maternity Benefit Act 1961

The Maternity Benefit Act was originally passed by Parliament on December 12, 1961, to regulate the employment of women in “certain establishments” for the period before and after childbirth and “to provide for maternity benefit and certain other benefits.”
Originally it applied to every establishment “being a factory, mine or plantation” and later in 1973, it was extended to “any such establishment belonging to Government” and “every establishment where persons are employed for the exhibition of equestrian, acrobatic and other performances.”
It repealed the Mines Maternity Benefit Act, 1941 and Maternity Benefit Act, 1929
Section 4 of the 1961 Act prohibited the employment of or work by women during a certain period and under sub-section (1) stated, “No employer shall knowingly employ a woman in any establishment during the six weeks immediately following the day of her delivery or her miscarriage.”
The right to paid maternity leaves was also given under Section 5 of the 1961 Act, although the period of such leave could not exceed twelve weeks, “that is to say, six weeks up to and including the day of her delivery and six weeks immediately following that day.”
Additionally, no woman could be allowed to avail maternity benefits if she had not worked in the establishment for at least “one hundred and sixty days in the twelve months immediately preceding the date of her expected delivery.”
These benefits would be allowed without dismissing the female worker from service or reduction of wages
Violating provisions of the Act could result in three months’ punishment, with or without a fine
On March 9, 2017, the Maternity Benefits (Amendment) Act 2017, was passed by Parliament, which brought about key changes to the original Act

5. Way Forward

The Court also urged the Union government to consider introducing a comprehensive legal provision that formally recognises paternity leave for all fathers, whether biological or adoptive. It observed that India’s existing legal framework does not sufficiently acknowledge the role of fathers in childcare and stressed the need to promote shared parenting responsibilities. At present, only male government employees are eligible for 15 days of paternity leave in cases of childbirth or adoption, while in the private sector, such leave is largely governed by individual company policies

Source: The Hindu

ESSENTIAL COMMODITIES ACT, 1955

1. Context

As the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz exposed the vulnerability of India’s supply chain for cooking gas, the majority of which is imported, the Union government invoked the Essential Commodities Act, 1955. While long-term steps are needed to diversify and reduce reliance on global suppliers and expand strategic reserves, the Act is a crucial emergency tool for now. It allows the Centre to direct refiners to boost domestic LPG production, prioritise household consumption, and regulate the allocation of natural gas.

2. What is the Essential Commodities Act, 1955?

The Act authorizes the Union government to regulate the production, supply, and distribution of key commodities, such as medicines, fertilizers, food items, edible oils, fuels, and seeds.
According to Section 3 of the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, the government may issue directives to ensure adequate supply, promote increased production of essential goods, and guarantee their fair distribution so that they remain accessible to the public at reasonable prices.
It also has the authority to fix prices and stock limits, restrict certain sales, regulate storage, transportation, and distribution, and take measures to curb hoarding and black-marketing.
In recent years, the Act has been used to address shortages of commodities such as wheat, sugar, and pulses. It was also enforced during the COVID-19 lockdown to curb hoarding, profiteering, and black-market activities involving several essential goods

Essential commodities are goods that are necessary for daily life and whose shortage can affect the public. Under the Act, the Central Government can declare any commodity as essential.

Common examples include:

Food grains (rice, wheat)
Pulses
Edible oils
Sugar
Petroleum products
Fertilizers
Drugs

3. Why is this law invoked now?

Amid military strikes by the United States and Israel, Iran has responded by launching attacks on oil-producing countries in the Persian Gulf that host U.S. military bases and by targeting vessels passing through the Strait of Hormuz.
Although nearly one-fifth of the world’s oil trade moves through this strategic maritime route, the immediate concern for Indian consumers has been the potential disruption in the supply of Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG), commonly used as cooking fuel.
Government initiatives such as the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana significantly expanded LPG access in India, raising household coverage from around 62% in 2016 to almost universal access today.
However, domestic production has not grown at the same pace as demand. In 2024–25, Indian refineries produced about 12.8 million metric tonnes of LPG, meeting only around 41% of the country’s annual requirement of 31.3 million tonnes, according to data from the Petroleum Ministry.
The remaining demand is met through imports, nearly 90% of which pass through the Strait of Hormuz.
Apart from LPG, Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) is also used in Indian households through pipeline networks, as well as for transportation and various commercial applications.
Of India’s daily gas consumption of roughly 189 million metric standard cubic meters, about 52% is produced domestically.
Meanwhile, approximately one-quarter of the total demand is satisfied through imports from the Persian Gulf

4. How does order affect LPG Production?

On March 5, the government instructed all oil refineries across India to divert their propane and butane outputs toward LPG production instead of using them for petrochemical manufacturing.
A follow-up directive issued on March 9 expanded the scope of this order to include oil refineries and petrochemical units located in Special Economic Zones (SEZs).
It further clarified that propylene, butene, and other components from the C3 and C4 hydrocarbon streams must also be utilised solely for LPG production.
The directive applies not only to public sector refiners such as Indian Oil Corporation, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum, but also to other entities including Chennai Petroleum Corporation, Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, and Numaligarh Refinery Limited.
In addition, private-sector refiners like Reliance Industries and Nayara Energy have also been brought under this order.
According to the government, these measures have already boosted domestic LPG production by about 25%. Nevertheless, a significant portion of the country’s demand—roughly half—still needs to be met through imports.
The directive also mandates that all LPG output be supplied exclusively to Indian Oil Corporation, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum, which have been instructed to prioritise distribution of cylinders to household consumers.
As a result, reduced supply to commercial establishments has led several restaurants, hostels, and hotels to temporarily close or scale down their operations

5. Regulation of Natural Gas Supply

The directive issued on March 9 regarding natural gas does not alter production levels; instead, it introduces a priority-based system for allocating gas supplies, superseding existing contractual arrangements.
Under this framework, the highest priority is assigned to piped natural gas supplied to households, compressed natural gas used in transportation, gas required for LPG production, and fuel for pipeline compressors.
These sectors will receive supplies equivalent to 100% of their average consumption during the previous six months, subject to overall availability.
Fertilizer producers will be allocated about 70% of their usual requirements, although this proportion may be revised if ongoing conflict continues to disrupt supply chains during the kharif sowing season.
Meanwhile, sectors such as tea processing, manufacturing, and other industries will receive up to 80% of their typical supply.
Certain petrochemical units operated by Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, GAIL, and Reliance Industries may experience partial or complete reductions in liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies. Additionally, natural gas allocations to oil refineries are expected to fall to around 65% of their normal consumption levels

For Prelims: Essential Commodities, liquefied natural gas (LNG), Special Economic Zones (SEZs)

For Mains: GS II - Policy and Governance

Previous Year Questions

1.Which of the following statements is/are correct about the Strait of Hormuz?

It lies between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman.
It is strategically important for global oil trade.
It connects the Arabian Sea directly with the Mediterranean Sea.

Select the correct answer using the code below:

(a) 1 and 2 only
(b) 2 and 3 only
(c) 1 and 3 only
(d) 1, 2 and 3

Answer: (a)

2.With reference to Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG), consider the following statements:

LNG is natural gas that has been cooled to a liquid state.
LNG occupies much less volume than natural gas in gaseous form.
LNG is mainly transported through pipelines across countries.

Which of the statements given above are correct?

(a) 1 only
(b) 1 and 2 only
(c) 2 and 3 only
(d) 1, 2 and 3

Answer: (b)

3.Consider the following statements:

India imports a significant share of its natural gas requirement.
Natural gas is used in power generation, fertilizers, and transport.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) Neither 1 nor 2

Answer: (c)

Source: The Hindu

CRBON CAPTURE AND UTILISATION (CCU)

1. Context

Carbon Capture and Utilisation (CCU) refers to a set of technologies that capture carbon dioxide emissions from industrial sources or directly from the air and convert them into useful products. This process removes carbon from the atmosphere and puts it into the economy as inputs for fuels, chemicals, building materials, or polymers. Unlike carbon capture and storage, where captured COâ‚‚ is permanently stored underground rather than reused, CCU uses up the captured carbon.

2. What is Carbon Capture and Utilisation (CCU)?

Carbon Capture and Utilisation (CCU) is an approach to climate mitigation that focuses on treating carbon dioxide not merely as a waste product, but as a resource.
In the context of rising global temperatures and increasing industrial emissions, CCU represents an attempt to balance economic development with environmental responsibility.
When fossil fuels such as coal, oil, or natural gas are burned in power plants or used in industries like cement and steel manufacturing, large quantities of carbon dioxide (COâ‚‚) are released into the atmosphere.
This COâ‚‚ traps heat and contributes to global warming. Carbon Capture and Utilisation seeks to intervene in this process. Instead of allowing the carbon dioxide to escape into the air, it is captured at the source of emission through specialized technologies.
These technologies separate COâ‚‚ from other gases produced during combustion or industrial processes.
Once captured, the carbon dioxide is compressed and transported to facilities where it can be put to productive use. This is the key difference between CCU and Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS).
While CCS focuses on storing the captured carbon dioxide deep underground in geological formations to prevent its release, CCU aims to convert the captured COâ‚‚ into valuable products.
The utilisation aspect of CCU can take many forms. Carbon dioxide can be used to manufacture chemicals such as methanol and urea, which are widely used in fertilisers and industry.
It can also be converted into synthetic fuels, building materials like carbon-infused concrete, and even used in the production of carbonated beverages. In some cases, COâ‚‚ is injected into oil fields to enhance oil recovery.
By turning emissions into economically useful goods, CCU attempts to create a circular carbon economy, where carbon is reused instead of continuously extracted and emitted.
The importance of CCU becomes particularly relevant for countries that rely heavily on fossil fuels for energy and industrial growth.
For example, India, which has significant coal-based power generation, is exploring CCU as part of its broader climate strategy, with policy discussions supported by institutions such as NITI Aayog. For developing economies, CCU offers a transitional pathway: it allows industries to continue operating while reducing their carbon footprint.
However, CCU is not without challenges. Capturing carbon dioxide requires substantial energy and investment. In some cases, the process itself can be energy-intensive, which may reduce the overall environmental benefit unless powered by renewable energy.
Moreover, the long-term climate impact depends on how permanently the carbon is locked into products. If COâ‚‚ is used to produce fuels that are later burned, it eventually returns to the atmosphere.

3. Why does India need CCU?

India needs Carbon Capture and Utilisation (CCU) because of the unique structure of its economy, energy system, and development priorities.
Unlike many developed countries that have already industrialised and are now transitioning away from fossil fuels, India is still in a growth phase where energy demand, infrastructure expansion, and industrial production are rapidly increasing.
This creates a complex challenge: how to grow economically while reducing carbon emissions.
One of the primary reasons India needs CCU is its continued dependence on coal. A large portion of India’s electricity generation comes from coal-based thermal power plants.
While renewable energy capacity is expanding significantly, coal remains critical for ensuring energy security and meeting base-load power requirements. Completely phasing out coal in the short term is neither economically nor socially feasible.
CCU provides a transitional solution by capturing carbon emissions from these plants and converting them into useful products, thereby reducing the overall carbon footprint without abruptly disrupting energy supply.
Another important factor is the nature of India’s industrial emissions. Sectors such as cement, steel, fertilisers, and petrochemicals are considered “hard-to-abate” sectors because their production processes inherently generate carbon dioxide.
For example, cement manufacturing releases COâ‚‚ not only from fuel combustion but also from chemical reactions in limestone processing.
In such sectors, switching to renewable energy alone cannot eliminate emissions. CCU offers a technological pathway to manage these unavoidable emissions.
India’s climate commitments also make CCU strategically important. Under the Paris Agreement, India has pledged to reduce the emissions intensity of its GDP and achieve net-zero emissions by 2070.
Achieving this target while maintaining high economic growth will require a combination of renewable energy expansion, energy efficiency improvements, green hydrogen, and carbon management technologies like CCU.
Institutions such as NITI Aayog have recognised CCU as part of India’s long-term decarbonisation strategy.
Economic considerations further strengthen the case for CCU. By converting captured carbon into products such as methanol, synthetic fuels, construction materials, and chemicals, India can create new industries and green jobs.
This supports the vision of a circular carbon economy, where waste emissions become raw materials for other sectors. For a country aiming to boost manufacturing under initiatives like Make in India, CCU can align environmental sustainability with industrial competitiveness

4. Where does India Stand today ?

India has started promoting Carbon Capture and Utilisation (CCU) by extending research support through the Department of Science and Technology, which has developed a dedicated roadmap to guide research and development in this field.
Additionally, the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas has released a draft 2030 roadmap for Carbon Capture, Utilisation and Storage (CCUS), outlining potential projects where these technologies can be implemented.
In the private sector, Ambuja Cements, part of the Adani Group, is collaborating with IIT Bombay on an Indo-Swedish pilot initiative aimed at converting captured carbon dioxide into fuels and other value-added materials.
Similarly, JK Cement is engaged in developing a CCU demonstration facility focused on capturing COâ‚‚ for use in products such as lightweight concrete blocks and olefins.
Expanding beyond the cement industry, Organic Recycling Systems Limited (ORSL) is spearheading India’s first pilot-scale Bio-CCU platform, which transforms carbon dioxide derived from biogas streams into bio-alcohols and specialised chemical products

5. Global Scenario

The European Union’s Bioeconomy Strategy and its Circular Economy Action Plan clearly endorse CCU as an approach to transform carbon dioxide into raw materials for fuels, chemicals, and other industrial products, aligning the technology with broader sustainability and circular economy objectives.
In the industrial sector, ArcelorMittal and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Ltd. have partnered with the climate technology firm D-CRBN to test an innovative process at ArcelorMittal’s facility in Ghent, Belgium.
This initiative focuses on converting captured COâ‚‚ into carbon monoxide, which can then be reused in steelmaking and chemical manufacturing.
In the United States, the expansion of CCU technologies is supported through a mix of fiscal incentives, including tax credits and government funding, especially for projects producing fuels and chemicals derived from carbon dioxide.
Meanwhile, in the United Arab Emirates, the Al Reyadah project and proposed COâ‚‚-to-chemicals clusters are integrating CCU solutions with green hydrogen to advance low-carbon industrial development

6. Way Forward

The primary challenge in expanding CCU in India relates to economic viability. The processes involved in capturing, refining, and converting carbon dioxide demand significant energy and financial investment. In the absence of supportive policy measures or incentives, products manufactured using captured COâ‚‚ may find it difficult to compete with conventional, fossil-fuel-based alternatives that are currently more affordable.

Another major concern is the state of infrastructure. Effective deployment of CCU depends on the presence of well-developed industrial clusters, efficient systems for transporting captured COâ‚‚, and seamless integration with downstream manufacturing units. However, such integrated ecosystems are not uniformly available across India’s industrial landscape.

In addition, the lack of well-defined regulatory standards, certification mechanisms, and stable market signals generates uncertainty for investors. This uncertainty can dampen private sector participation and restrict market demand for products derived from captured carbon.

That said, India has made encouraging progress by formulating strategic roadmaps for the advancement of CCU technologies. The successful and timely implementation of these plans will be crucial in ensuring that CCU contributes meaningfully to the country’s broader climate and industrial objectives

For Prelims: Carbon Capturing, COP21, Paris Agreement, carbon cycle

For Mains:

1. What is Carbon farming? discuss the effective techniques within carbon farming for reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and explain the challenges that exist in implementing them, particularly in developing countries like India. (250 Words)

Previous Year Questions

1. With reference to carbon nanotubes, consider the following statements (UPSC 2020)

1. They can be used as carriers of drugs and antigens in the human body.

2. They can be made into artificial blood capillaries for an injured part of the human body.

3. They can be used in biochemical sensors.

4. Carbon nanotubes are biodegradable.

Which of the statements given above are correct?

A. 1 and 2 only B. 2, 3 and 4 only C. 1, 3 and 4 only D. 1, 2, 3 and 4

2. With reference to the recent developments in science, which one of the following statements is not correct? (UPSC 2019)

A. Functional chromosomes can be created by joining segments of DNA taken from cells of different species.

B. Pieces of artificial functional DNA can be created in laboratories.

C. A piece of DNA taken out from an animal cell can be made to replicate outside a living cell in a laboratory.

D. Cells taken out from plants and animals can be made to undergo cell division in laboratory petri dishes

3. Consider the following statements (upsc 2016)

1. The Sustainable Development Goals were first proposed in 1972 by a global think tank called the 'Club of Rome

2. Sustainable Development goals has to be achieved by the year 2030

Which of the statements given above is/ are correct

A. 1 Only B. 2 Only C. Both 1 and 2 D. Neither 1 Nor 2

4. LPG stands for (MPSC 2017)

A. Liquidity, Profitability and Growth

B. Liberalisation, Privatisation and Growth

C. Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation

D.None of the above

5. Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana was launched (RRC Group D 2018)

A. July 2017 B. January 2018 C. May 2014 D. May 2016

6. In the context of WHO Air Quality Guidelines, consider the following statements: (UPSC 2022)

1. The 24-hour mean of PM2.5 should not exceed 15 μg/m³ and annual mean of PM2.5 should not exceed 5 μg/m³.

2. In a year, the highest levels of ozone pollution occur during the periods of inclement weather.

3. PM10 can penetrate the lung barrier and enter the bloodstream.

4. Excessive ozone in the air can trigger asthma.

Which of the statements given above are correct?

A. 1, 3 and 4 B. 1 and 4 only C. 2, 3 and 4 D. 1 and 2 only

Answers: 1-C, 2-A, 3-B, 4-C, 5-D, 6-B

Source: The Hindu

NATIONALLY DETERMINED CONTRIBUTION (NDC)

1. Context

On Wednesday, the Union Cabinet approved India’s updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC). This includes committing to have 60% of its installed electric capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, reducing by 47% the intensity of emissions per unit of GDP (from 2005 levels), and increasing its carbon sink to 3.5 billion-4 billion tonnes of CO? equivalent

2. What is a Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC)?

A Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) is a country's self-defined climate action plan under the Paris Agreement (2015), outlining its commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate change
Each NDC typically covers a country's targets for reducing emissions (e.g., cutting CO? by X% by 2030), the sectors it will focus on (energy, transport, agriculture, etc.), adaptation strategies to deal with climate impacts, and sometimes finance, technology, and capacity-building needs
Countries submit their NDCs to the UNFCCC (UN Framework Convention on Climate Change). There is no single global template — each country determines its own goals based on its capabilities and national circumstances
NDCs are the core mechanism through which the Paris Agreement's goal — limiting global warming to 1.5–2°C above pre-industrial levels — is expected to be achieved. Collectively, the ambition of all NDCs determines whether the world stays on track

3. Are Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) voluntary or mandatory?

Under the Paris Agreement, all participating nations are required to submit their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) at regular intervals.
These are voluntary climate commitments that outline how each country plans to reduce its dependence on fossil fuels and contribute to global climate goals.
India’s earlier NDC, submitted in August 2022, included commitments to achieve 50% of its installed power capacity from non-fossil fuel sources by 2030, reduce the emissions intensity of its GDP by 45%, and create an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to 3 billion tonnes of CO?-equivalent through forest and tree cover.
The newly announced targets go beyond these earlier commitments by raising each of these benchmarks.
The revised goal of 60% non-fossil installed capacity is particularly significant, as India has already demonstrated strong progress in this direction.
By the beginning of 2026, nearly 52% of the country’s installed capacity was already derived from non-fossil sources, meaning the earlier 2030 target had been achieved well ahead of schedule.
Moreover, until the close of 2025, India and Argentina were the only G20 countries yet to declare their 2035 NDCs.
With this latest announcement, India has now addressed that notable gap in the global record of climate commitments

4. Have Nationally Determined Contributions Truly Accelerated the Clean Energy Transition?

Whether Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) have genuinely pushed countries toward clean energy remains the most important question in every climate commitment cycle, and the available evidence presents a rather mixed picture.
The United Nations Environment Programme’s Emissions Gap Report 2025, significantly titled “Off Target,” offered a stark assessment: since 2015, countries have had three opportunities to align their commitments with global climate goals, yet on each occasion they have fallen short.
Although the projected rise in global temperature has been revised downward from 2.6–2.8°C to 2.3–2.5°C, a substantial part of this apparent improvement is attributed to changes in methodology rather than real progress.
In addition, the United States’ withdrawal from the Paris Agreement has further weakened these gains.
According to the World Resources Institute, the NDCs submitted so far bridge less than 14% of the emissions gap required to keep warming within 1.5°C.
A closer look at the commitments makes the situation even more concerning. The E3G NDC Energy Commitments Tracker, which reviewed 101 national submissions by the end of 2025, found that while 94% of countries had included at least one pledge related to the energy transition, none had produced a fully integrated roadmap consistent with the COP28 energy package.
This package, popularly known as the “UAE Consensus,” was adopted by nearly 200 countries in December 2023 and called for faster climate action through a shift away from fossil fuels, a tripling of global renewable energy capacity, and a doubling of improvements in energy efficiency by 2030 to keep the 1.5°C target within reach.
Yet, despite these commitments, no country specified a concrete target for reducing oil and gas production, and almost three-fourths of the submissions made no reference to reforming fossil fuel subsidies.
Furthermore, many developing countries have made their climate goals contingent on receiving international financial support, which currently remains far below the required scale.
This leads to a striking paradox: even though NDCs themselves have had limited success in driving policy transformation, the clean energy transition is still gathering pace globally.
In 2025, worldwide installations of solar and wind energy reached an unprecedented 814 GW, and renewable sources overtook coal to become the largest source of electricity generation globally in the first half of the year.
However, this momentum appears to be driven less by NDC commitments and more by rapidly declining renewable energy costs, technological advances, and intense industrial competition, especially the dominant role played by China in clean energy manufacturing.
In this sense, the NDC framework has been more effective in recording and reflecting ongoing progress than in actually compelling countries to undertake the deep structural reforms necessary for a complete transition away from fossil fuels

5. India's emissions data

A recent study by the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), highlighted by Carbon Brief, indicates that India’s CO? emissions increased by only 0.7% in 2025, marking the slowest pace of growth since 2001, excluding the exceptional pandemic year of 2020.
This represents a sharp slowdown compared to the 4–11% annual rise recorded during 2021–24. The major reason behind this moderation was the power sector, where emissions declined by 3.8%.
Notably, electricity generation from coal registered a fall for the first time since 1973 outside the Covid period. CREA notes that in 2025, India added nearly 47 GW of solar capacity, 6.3 GW of wind power, 4 GW of hydropower, and 0.6 GW of nuclear energy, creating enough clean electricity capacity to meet up to 5% of the growth in demand.
However, this improvement was not uniform across all sectors. Emissions from steel production rose by 8%, while the cement sector expanded by 10%, contributing to the modest overall increase in emissions.
According to the analysis, India’s power sector may be approaching a turning point as early as 2026, when the amount of newly installed clean energy capacity could fully match the annual rise in electricity demand.
Supporting this outlook, the Central Electricity Authority’s National Generation Adequacy Plan estimates that non-fossil fuel capacity will reach 786 GW by 2035–36, accounting for nearly 70% of the total installed capacity, with solar power alone expected to exceed 500 GW.
At the same time, some observers urge caution. They point out that 2025 witnessed relatively mild summer conditions, limited heatwaves, and subdued industrial activity, factors that may have temporarily reduced energy demand and emissions growth.
Therefore, while the findings are encouraging, it may still be too early to treat this as a long-term structural shift, and a clearer trend would need to be confirmed over the coming years

6. Way Forward

India’s Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) assesses its climate progress through the metric of emissions intensity, that is, the volume of emissions released for every unit of GDP produced. Under this method, total emissions are still allowed to rise, so long as the economy expands at a faster rate than the growth in emissions. India has justified this approach on the basis of equity and developmental fairness, emphasizing that its per capita emissions are still only a small share of those seen in many developed Western countries.

However, certain inconsistencies continue to remain. The country is planning to add nearly 100 GW of coal-based power capacity over the next seven years, channel around $1 trillion into petrochemical investments by 2040, and expand coal-dependent steel production capacity by 50% by 2031. These plans appear to sit uneasily alongside its long-term climate commitments. In addition, as highlighted by Vibhuti Garg of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, more than 37 GW of renewable energy capacity is currently lying underutilized because the power grid is not yet fully prepared to absorb and transmit it efficiently.

For Prelims: Paris Agreement, Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), Fossil fuels

For Mains: GS III - Environment and Ecology

Previous Year Questions

1. The term ‘Intended Nationally Determined Contributions’ is sometimes seen in the news in the context of (2016)

(a) pledges made by the European countries to rehabilitate refugees from the war-affected Middle East

(b) plan of action outlined by the countries of the world to combat climate change

(c) capital contributed by the member countries in the establishment of Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank

(d) plan of action outlined by the countries of the world regarding Sustainable Development Goals

Answer: (b)

2. With reference to the Agreement at the UNFCCC Meeting in Paris in 2015, which of the following statements is/are correct? (2016)

The Agreement was signed by all the member countries of the UN and it will go into effect in 2017.
The Agreement aims to limit the greenhouse gas emissions so that the rise in average global temperature by the end of this century does not exceed 2°C or even 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.
Developed countries acknowledged their historical responsibility in global warming and committed to donate $1000 billion a year from 2020 to help developing countries to cope with climate change.

Select the correct answer using the code given below.

(a) 1 and 3 only

(b) 2 only

(c) 2 and 3 only

(d) 1, 2 and 3

Answer: (b)

Mains

1. Describe the major outcomes of the 26th session of the Conference of the Parties (COP) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). What are the commitments made by India in this conference? (2021)

2. ‘Climate Change’ is a global problem. How will India be affected by climate change? How Himalayan and coastal states of India are affected by climate change? (2017)

Source: The Hindu

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