SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANISATION
1. Context
2. About Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
- The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is a Eurasian political, economic, international security and defence organisation.
- It is the world's largest regional organization in terms of geographic scope and population, covering approximately 60% of the area of Eurasia, and 40% of the world's population. Its combined GDP is around 20% of global GDP.
- The SCO was founded in 2001 by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.
2.1. Structure
The SCO has several bodies that oversee its activities, including
- The Council of Heads of State, which is the supreme decision-making body of the SCO.
- The Council of Heads of Government, which is responsible for overseeing the implementation of the decisions of the Council of Heads of State.
- The Council of Foreign Ministers, which is responsible for coordinating the foreign policies of the SCO member states.
- The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), which is responsible for combating terrorism, separatism and extremism in the SCO region and
- The SCO Secretariat, which is responsible for the day-to-day running of the organization.
2.2. Members
- The SCO has eight full members China, India, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.
- It also has six observer states Afghanistan, Belarus, Iran, Mongolia, Nepal and Sri Lanka.
- And six dialogue partners Armenia, Azerbaijan, Cambodia, Egypt, Qatar and Saudi Arabia.
2.3. Goals
- Political and security cooperation, including the fight against terrorism, separatism and extremism
- Economic cooperation, including trade, investment, energy and transportation
- Cultural and humanitarian cooperation and
- Coordination of positions on major international issues.
3. Criticism
- The SCO has been criticized by some for being a tool of Chinese and Russian imperialism.
- However, the organization has also been praised for its role in promoting stability and security in Central Asia.
- Expanding Geopolitical Influence
- The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) has evolved far beyond its original Central Asian focus and today accounts for nearly 23% of the global GDP and around 42% of the world’s population.
- Its expanding membership and partnerships — including countries like North Atlantic Treaty Organization member Turkey participating as a dialogue partner — reflect its growing capacity to counterbalance traditional Western-led alliances.
- The SCO also offers an important platform for countries of the Global South to express their interests outside conventional global power structures.
- Security and Counter-Terrorism
- The SCO attempts to fill regional security gaps, particularly after the reduced role of North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Afghanistan, through mechanisms such as the Afghanistan Contact Group (ACG).
- Its Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), headquartered in Tashkent, promotes coordination among member states to combat terrorism, separatism, and extremist activities.
- Connectivity and Economic Cooperation
- The SCO plays a major role in improving connectivity across Central Asia by supporting infrastructure and trade initiatives such as the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and Chabahar Port, which help strengthen regional commerce and mutual confidence.
- Institutions like the SCO Business Council and the Interbank Consortium also encourage collaborative economic and investment projects among member nations.
- Civilisational and Developmental Collaboration
- India’s contributions within the SCO — including initiatives related to start-ups, traditional medicine, Buddhist heritage, and digital inclusion — demonstrate the organisation’s potential to promote cultural exchanges and people-centric cooperation beyond state-level diplomacy.
- Through such efforts, the SCO is gradually emerging as a platform supporting inclusive growth and the developmental aspirations of the Global South.
- Push for Reform in Global Governance
- SCO member countries consistently advocate reforms in institutions such as the United Nations to make global governance more representative and inclusive.
- By emphasizing sovereign equality and a multipolar international system, the organisation seeks to promote a fairer and more democratic world order.
- Limited Security Effectiveness
- Although RATS conducts joint exercises and discussions, its practical success against real terrorist threats remains limited.
- The participation of countries like Pakistan, which are often accused of links with terrorism, further weakens the credibility of the organisation’s counter-terrorism agenda.
- Imbalanced Power Relations
- Several Central Asian countries perceive the SCO as being heavily influenced by China and Russia rather than functioning on the basis of equal partnership.
- As a result, the “Shanghai Spirit” — centered on mutual respect and equality — is frequently viewed as more symbolic than genuinely practiced.
- Poor Economic Integration
- Many SCO agreements, including transport and trade-related arrangements, have witnessed weak implementation.
- Intraregional trade within Central Asia still remains at very low levels, significantly below the trade integration achieved by Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
- Economic growth in the region is largely driven by domestic and bilateral efforts rather than SCO-led initiatives.
- Comparisons with SAARC
- Unlike Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which has managed to maintain institutional effectiveness despite internal disagreements, the SCO is increasingly compared to South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation — active in meetings and declarations but limited in concrete outcomes.
- Weak Institutional Framework
- Despite repeated discussions, the SCO has not succeeded in creating robust mechanisms for cooperation in areas such as energy, finance, development, and free trade.
- Its formal bodies, including banking and business platforms, largely operate as networking forums rather than effective institutions capable of implementing binding decisions
6. The Way Forward
- The SCO has been expanding its membership in recent years, and it may continue to do so in the future.
- The organization is seen by some as a potential rival to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and its growing influence is being watched closely by the United States and its allies.
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For Prelims: SCO, NATO, India, Central Asia, United States, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, terrorism,
For Mains:
1. Examine the potential challenges and opportunities for India as a full member of the SCO, highlighting its implications for India's political, economic, and security interests. (250 Words)
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Previous Year Questions
1. Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Heads of State Summit was held on 10th November, 2020 in the video conference format. The Summit was hosted by: (OPSC OAS 2021)
A. Russia B. India C. Kazakhstan D. Uzbekistan
Answer: A
2. The Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) was hosted by which country from 15-16 September 2022? (Rajasthan CET 2023)
A. Kazakhstan B. Tajikistan C. Uzbekistan D. India
Answer: C
3. The area known as 'Golan Heights' sometimes appears in the news in the context of the events related to (UPSC 2015)
A. Central Asia B. Middle East C. South-East Asia D. Central Africa
Answer: B
4. Siachen Glacier is situated to the (UPSC 2020)
A. East of Aksai Chin B. East of Leh C. North of Gilgit D. North of Nubra Valley
Answer: D
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OPEC+
1. Context
The United Arab Emirates or UAE announced on Tuesday that it was quitting OPEC and OPEC+, dealing a heavy blow to the oil-exporting groups and their de facto leader, Saudi Arabia, at a time when the Iran, US, Israel war has already caused a massive jolt and unsettled the global economy.
2. Organization of petroleum exporting countries (OPEC)
- The organization of petroleum exporting countries (OPEC) is a permanent, intergovernmental organization, created at the Baghdad conference in 1960, by Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela. OPEC now has 13 member states. Iran, Iraq, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Libya, Nigeria, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, the Republic of Congo, Angola, and Venezuela are members of OPEC.
- It aims to manage the supply of oil to set the price of oil in the world market, to avoid fluctuations that might affect the economies of both producing and purchasing countries. The stated mission of the organization is to “coordinate and unify the petroleum policies of its member’s countries and ensure the stabilization of oil markets, to secure an efficient, economic and regular supply of petroleum to consumers, a steady income to producers, and a fair return on capital for those investing in the petroleum industry.”
- The headquarters are in Vienna, Austria. OPEC membership is open to any country that is a substantial exporter of oil and which shares the ideals of the organization.
- Former OPEC members are Ecuador, Indonesia, and Qatar. Qatar terminated its membership on 1 January 2019.
- With the addition of another 11 allied major oil-producing countries that include Russia, the grouping is known as OPEC+.
| OPEC+ is an amalgamation of OPEC and high oil-exporting non-OPEC nations like Russia and Kazakhstan. In other words, it refers to OPEC’s cooperation with non-OPEC oil producers to affect production cuts. It came into effect around 2016 and includes countries like Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Brunei, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Mexico, Oman, Russia, South Sudan, and Sudan. |
3. Reasons for slashing production
- Today’s cut is the biggest of its kind since 2000 when OPEC+ members cut outputs by 10 million BPD during the covid-19 pandemic, The reduction would increase prices and be extremely beneficial for the Middle Eastern member states, to whom Europe has turned for oil after leveling sanctions against Russia since it invaded Ukraine.
- Oil prices increased after Russia invades Ukraine in February, and have since begun to soften over the past few months, before dropping sharply to under $90 in September due to fears of a recession in Europe and reduced demands from China because of its lockdown measures.
4. Who opposes this decision?
- Within the group, some are opposed to such significant cuts in oil production. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Kuwait, in particular, are said to be concerned that extended cuts would interfere with their plans to increase oil output capacity.
- Slashes in reduction and subsequently increased oil prices can be a potential threat to the US because the US government is trying to reduce the inflation rates before the mid-term elections in November. The US has not publicly accepted these attempts.
India decision-makers suggestions for the uncertain future of the international petroleum market:
- It should fill the oil caverns with strategic reserves. Prices may fall further but rather than bottom fish, it should leverage the availability of capacity to secure discounted supplies.
- Gas is economically competitive these days. It should increase its imports of gas (LNG) from Australia, Africa, and the US. This will reduce the political risks of dependency on oil supplies from the Middle East.
- It should create an institutional basis for an integrated energy policy. If there is one message we must internalize from COVID, it is the importance of collaboration and coordination.
5. India's strategic petroleum reserves
- India’s strategic reserves are the effort of a border plan to build an emergency stockpile with millions of barrels of crude oil.
- Under the first stage of the strategic petroleum reserves project, underground rock caverns with a total storage of 5.33 MMT, or about 38 million barrels of crude oil, have been commissioned at three locations-
- Vishakapatnam (1.33 MMT)
- Mangalore (1.5MMT)
- Karnataka (2.5 MMT)
- The International Energy Agency (IEA) recommends that all countries hold crude oil stocks worth 90 days of imports. India imports about 85 percent of its crude oil requirements.
- India decided to release 5 million barrels of oil from its strategic reserves as part of a coordinated challenge led by the US against the OPEC+ producer's cartel move to curb output, was the first time that New Delhi dipped into its reserves to leverage it's as a geopolitical tool.
6. International energy agency(IEA)
- The international energy agency (IEA) is an autonomous organization that works to ensure reliable, affordable, and clean energy, it was established in the wake of the 1973 (set up in 1974) Oil crisis after the OPEC cartel had shocked the world with a steep increase in oil prices.
- It is headquartered in Paris, France.
The IEA has four main areas of focus, they are
- Energy security
- Economic development
- Environmental awareness
- Engagement worldwide.
India became an associate member of the International Energy Agency in 2017.
For Prelims and Mains
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For Prelims: The international energy agency (IEA), OPEC, OPEC+,
For Mains: 1.What are OPEC and OPEC+?Explain why OPEC+ is slashing production and how it affects the major developing countries. (250 words)
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Previous Year Questions
1.In the context of global oil prices, “Brent crude oil” is frequently referred to in the news. What does this term imply? (UPSC CSE 2011) 1. It is a major classification of crude oil. 2. It is sourced from North Sea. 3. It does not contain sulphur. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 2 only (b) 1 and 2 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3 Answer (b)
2.The term ‘West Texas Intermediate’, sometimes found in news, refers to a grade of (UPSC CSE 2020) (a) Crude oil (b) Bullion (c) Rare earth elements (d) Uranium Answer (a) West Texas Intermediate (WTI) is a grade of crude oil, often used as a benchmark for oil pricing. It is sourced primarily from oil fields in the United States, particularly in Texas. WTI is a light, sweet crude oil, known for its low sulfur content, and is widely used to set the price for oil traded globally |
source: The Indian Express
COMPOSITE BACKWARDNESS INDEX (CBI)
- The Composite Backwardness Index (CBI) is a method used by governments and expert committees to identify how socially, educationally, and economically disadvantaged a particular community or group is when compared to the rest of society.
- Instead of looking at only one factor such as income or literacy, the index combines several indicators together to measure “backwardness” in a more comprehensive way. That is why it is called a composite index.
- In India, the idea of such an index became important mainly in the context of identifying Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs) for reservation policies and welfare measures.
- Different commissions and state governments have used versions of a backwardness index to determine which communities require special support under the constitutional principle of social justice.
- The basic logic behind the CBI is that backwardness is not caused by a single problem. A community may suffer from low literacy, poor representation in government jobs, lack of land ownership, low income levels, inadequate housing, poor access to education, social discrimination, or low participation in professional occupations.
- If only one indicator is used, the real condition of the community may not be fully understood. Therefore, the index combines multiple indicators and assigns weightage to them.
- Each indicator is given marks or weightage. After calculating the total score, communities with higher backwardness scores are identified as more disadvantaged
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For example, a backwardness index may include factors such as:
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- One of the most well-known uses of such an approach in India was by the Mandal Commission (Second Backward Classes Commission) established in 1979 under the chairmanship of B.P. Mandal.
- The commission developed a method to identify Other Backward Classes (OBCs) using social, educational, and economic indicators. It used multiple criteria and assigned points to determine the relative backwardness of communities.
- This became the basis for extending reservation benefits to OBCs in central government jobs and educational institutions.
- The importance of the Composite Backwardness Index lies in making welfare policies more evidence-based and objective. Rather than relying only on political demands or historical perceptions, the index attempts to scientifically measure deprivation.
- It also helps governments prioritize development schemes and affirmative action policies for communities that genuinely need support.
- However, the CBI is not free from criticism. Some scholars argue that backwardness cannot be fully captured through numerical indicators because social discrimination and historical exclusion are complex realities.
- Others argue that the data used for calculating the index may become outdated over time, especially since caste-wise socio-economic data in India is limited.
- There are also debates about the weightage given to different indicators and whether economic criteria should receive greater importance than caste-based disadvantages.
- Despite these debates, the Composite Backwardness Index remains an important tool in India’s social justice framework because it provides a structured mechanism to identify disadvantaged groups and support inclusive development
- A caste and socio-economic survey carried out in Telangana has highlighted deep disparities among various communities in the state. The findings, prepared by the Independent Expert Working Group on Telangana’s Socio, Economic, Educational, Employment, Political and Caste (SEEEPC) Survey, were made public on April 15. The survey itself was undertaken in 2024.
- According to the report, Backward Classes (BCs), excluding Muslim minorities, represent the largest social category in the state, accounting for 46.3% of the population. When combined with Scheduled Castes (17.4%) and Scheduled Tribes (10.4%), these groups together constitute 74.1% of Telangana’s population. Muslim minorities account for 12.6%, while Other Castes comprise 13.3%.
- Even though BCs, SCs, and STs form a majority, the survey revealed that 135 communities — including 69 BC castes, 41 SC groups, and 25 ST communities — remain more disadvantaged than earlier estimates suggested.
- In contrast, the OC category, despite making up only 13.3% of the population, enjoys a dominant presence in private-sector employment and higher education, receives comparatively better salaries, occupies larger houses, and generally experiences a superior standard of living.
- Since Telangana was formed as a separate state in June 2014, the government has made substantial investments in the education sector, with a strong emphasis on expanding English-medium learning.
- Programmes such as Mana Vooru Mana Badi focused on improving school infrastructure, introducing digital classrooms with English-medium instruction, and providing essential facilities like toilets and safe drinking water. Teacher training initiatives were also strengthened.
- These measures have led to a major generational transformation over the last decade. Among individuals in the 6–29 age group, 60.5% are now studying in English-medium institutions, whereas 35.3% continue to receive education in Telugu medium. This shift is especially visible in urban centres and among economically better-off sections of society
- Several states have argued that representation in Parliament should not be determined solely by population figures, but should also take into account a state’s contribution to the national economy.
- In a similar manner, social justice policies may need to consider the actual extent of backwardness experienced by a caste, rather than relying only on its numerical strength. While economic contribution can be quantified relatively easily, assessing the degree of caste-based backwardness is far more complex.
- To address this challenge, an independent expert panel appointed by the Government of Telangana designed an evidence-based framework known as the Composite Backwardness Index (CBI) to scientifically assess the relative backwardness of different caste groups.
- The framework evaluated 242 caste communities using data collected from nearly 35 million individuals through the caste survey, with each individual mapped across 75 categories of information.
- Since backwardness is a relative social condition, the index seeks to compare whether one community is placed at a greater disadvantage than another. The broader objective of social justice, therefore, is to enable historically marginalised groups to bridge these inequalities.
- Under this methodology, all 242 castes — comprising 133 BCs, 59 SCs, 32 STs, and 18 General category groups — were assessed on 42 diverse indicators.
- These included factors such as dependence on daily wage labour, access to English-medium education, availability of toilets, ownership of irrigated land, and experiences of discrimination at religious places.
- Based on these indicators, a relative backwardness score was calculated using quartile distribution techniques.
- The study is far more detailed than the framework used by the Mandal Commission in its 1980 report, which relied on only 11 indicators.
- The findings statistically confirm long-standing social observations: Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are nearly three times more backward than General category groups, while Backward Classes are about 2.7 times more disadvantaged.
- The report also demonstrates that levels of deprivation vary significantly even among historically oppressed communities, providing measurable and scientific validation for these differences.
- Within the 133 BC communities studied, 69 were found to be more backward than the state average, whereas 64 performed relatively better. Among Scheduled Castes, 18 out of 59 communities were placed above the state average, while seven of the 32 Scheduled Tribe groups were similarly better positioned.
- However, these comparatively advanced groups constitute only a very small share of their overall populations. In population terms, around 99% of STs, 97% of SCs, and 71% of BCs continue to remain more backward than the state average.
- The report further concludes that access to English-medium and private education has emerged as the strongest factor influencing social advancement, outweighing even land or asset ownership.
- Communities such as Gouds, Goldsmiths, and Christians may possess limited land resources, yet perform better because of stronger access to private education.
- In contrast, groups like the Lambadi tribes, along with Mudiraj and Valmiki communities, may own relatively larger areas of irrigated land but still remain socially disadvantaged due to weaker educational access.
- The findings underline that backwardness is shaped by multiple interconnected factors, including birth-based inequalities, regional conditions, and overall living standards
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For Prelims: Current events of national and international importance
For Mains: General Studies I: population and associated issues and Social empowerment
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Previous Year Questions
1.Despite comprehensive policies for equity and social justice, underprivileged sections are not yet getting the full benefits of affirmative action envisaged by the Constitution. Comment. (2024)
2.Why is caste identity in India both fluid and static? (2023) 3.“Caste system is assuming new identities and associational forms. Hence caste system cannot be eradicated in India.” Comment. (2018) |
DELIMITATION AND PARLIAMENT SEATS
- Delimitation is the exercise of determining both the number of seats and the territorial boundaries of constituencies for the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies.
- It is undertaken by a Delimitation Commission constituted under a law enacted by Parliament. In the past, this process has been carried out using data from the 1951, 1961, and 1971 Censuses.
- Based on the 1971 Census, when India’s population stood at about 54.8 crore, the strength of the Lok Sabha was fixed at 543 seats.
- This figure has since been kept unchanged to promote population stabilisation efforts. Under existing constitutional provisions, a fresh readjustment is scheduled to take place after the Census to be conducted in 2027.
- Further, in 2023, Parliament enacted the 106th Constitutional Amendment, which mandates reservation of one-third of seats for women in both the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies.
- This reservation is to be implemented following the delimitation exercise based on the next Census
3. 131st Amendment
- The 131st Constitutional Amendment Bill sought to introduce three major changes. First, it proposed raising the upper limit of Lok Sabha seats from 550 to 850. Second, it aimed to authorize Parliament to decide which Census would serve as the basis for delimitation.
- Third, it intended to separate the provision of one-third reservation for women from the forthcoming 2027 Census, allowing it instead to be implemented through delimitation using data from the last published Census of 2011.
- The Delimitation Bill, 2026, envisaged the periodic establishment of a Delimitation Commission by the Union government. This body would be responsible for distributing Lok Sabha seats among States and Union Territories according to the most recent Census data.
- If the Bill had been enacted and a Commission formed immediately, the seat allocation would have relied on figures from the 2011 Census
4. Issues and Criticism of the bill
- The government maintained that expanding the strength of the Lok Sabha by roughly 50%—from 543 to 816 seats—would facilitate smooth implementation of one-third reservation for women in a larger House. This would have meant reserving about 272 seats for women.
- However, the Opposition voiced several concerns. First, it argued that women’s reservation need not be tied to the delimitation exercise, since the 106th Constitutional Amendment of 2023 already permits one-third reservation within the existing 543 seats.
- Second, the proposed Bills did not clearly ensure a proportional 50% increase in seats for every State and Union Territory; instead, the Delimitation Bill suggested that seat allocation would depend on population figures from the latest Census.
- Third, the Opposition emphasized that an issue of such significance and sensitivity requires thorough deliberation and should not be hurried through during a short parliamentary session
5. Way Forward
Democracy signifies governance by the people, where representatives are chosen on the foundational principle of “one citizen–one vote–one value.” However, this principle was moderated in 1976, when delimitation was frozen on the basis of the 1971 Census to support population control efforts. In a federal system like India’s, any future delimitation exercise must account for the uneven population growth among different States.
Article 81(2) of the Constitution states that, as far as possible, the ratio of seats to population should remain uniform across States. While a proportional 50% increase in seats may serve as a compromise between democratic representation and federal balance, it would be prudent to examine such a proposal more thoroughly through parliamentary committee deliberations. At the same time, a pressing reform in India’s democratic framework is the strengthening of local self-governments, such as Panchayats and Municipalities, which interact closely with citizens in their everyday lives
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For Prelims: Delimitation, Census, Covid-19 Pandemic, Article 82, Article 170 For Mains: 1. Critically analyze the potential conflict between the principle of "one citizen-one vote" and the freezing of Lok Sabha seats based on the 1971 Census in the context of delimitation. Discuss how this can impact federalism and representation in India. (250 Words)
2. How can the delimitation exercise be conducted in a manner that fosters national integration and strengthens the federal structure of India? (250 Words)
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Previous Year Questions
1. With reference to the Delimitation Commission, consider the following statements: (UPSC 2012)
1. The orders of the Delimitation Commission cannot be challenged in a Court of Law.
2. When the orders of the Delimitation Commission are laid before the Lok Sabha or State Legislative Assembly, they cannot effect any modifications in the orders.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
A. 1 only B. 2 only C. Both 1 and 2 D. Neither 1 nor 2
2. Barak Valley in Assam is famous for which among the following? (MSTET 2019)
A. Bamboo Industry
B. Petroleum Production
C. Cottage Industries
D. Tea Cultivation
3. Which one of the following is an important crop of the Barak Valley? (Karnataka Civil Police Constable 2019)
A. Sugarcane B. Jute C. Tea D. Cotton
4. Consider the following statements: (UPSC 2021)
1. In India, there is no law restricting the candidates from contesting in one Lok Sabha election from three constituencies.
2. In 1991 Lok Sabha Election, Shri Devi Lal contested from three Lok Sabha constituencies. 3. As per the- existing rules, if a candidate contests in one Lok Sabha election from many constituencies, his/her party should bear the cost of bye-elections to the constituencies vacated by him/her in the event of him/her winning in all the constituencies.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
A. 1 only B. 2 only C. 1 and 3 D. 2 and 3
5. The provisions in Fifth Schedule and Sixth Schedule in the Constitution of India are made in order to (UPSC 2015)
A. protect the interests of the Scheduled Tribes
B. determine the boundaries between States
C. determine the powers, authority and responsibilities of Panchayats
D. protect the interests of all the border States
Answers: 1-C, 2-D, 3-B, 4-B, 5-A
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NATIONALLY DETERMINED CONTRIBUTION (NDC)
- A Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) is a country's self-defined climate action plan under the Paris Agreement (2015), outlining its commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate change
- Each NDC typically covers a country's targets for reducing emissions (e.g., cutting COâ‚‚ by X% by 2030), the sectors it will focus on (energy, transport, agriculture, etc.), adaptation strategies to deal with climate impacts, and sometimes finance, technology, and capacity-building needs
- Countries submit their NDCs to the UNFCCC (UN Framework Convention on Climate Change). There is no single global template — each country determines its own goals based on its capabilities and national circumstances
- NDCs are the core mechanism through which the Paris Agreement's goal — limiting global warming to 1.5–2°C above pre-industrial levels — is expected to be achieved. Collectively, the ambition of all NDCs determines whether the world stays on track
- Under the Paris Agreement, all participating nations are required to submit their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) at regular intervals.
- These are voluntary climate commitments that outline how each country plans to reduce its dependence on fossil fuels and contribute to global climate goals.
- India’s earlier NDC, submitted in August 2022, included commitments to achieve 50% of its installed power capacity from non-fossil fuel sources by 2030, reduce the emissions intensity of its GDP by 45%, and create an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to 3 billion tonnes of COâ‚‚-equivalent through forest and tree cover.
- The newly announced targets go beyond these earlier commitments by raising each of these benchmarks.
- The revised goal of 60% non-fossil installed capacity is particularly significant, as India has already demonstrated strong progress in this direction.
- By the beginning of 2026, nearly 52% of the country’s installed capacity was already derived from non-fossil sources, meaning the earlier 2030 target had been achieved well ahead of schedule.
- Moreover, until the close of 2025, India and Argentina were the only G20 countries yet to declare their 2035 NDCs.
- With this latest announcement, India has now addressed that notable gap in the global record of climate commitments
- Whether Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) have genuinely pushed countries toward clean energy remains the most important question in every climate commitment cycle, and the available evidence presents a rather mixed picture.
- The United Nations Environment Programme’s Emissions Gap Report 2025, significantly titled “Off Target,” offered a stark assessment: since 2015, countries have had three opportunities to align their commitments with global climate goals, yet on each occasion they have fallen short.
- Although the projected rise in global temperature has been revised downward from 2.6–2.8°C to 2.3–2.5°C, a substantial part of this apparent improvement is attributed to changes in methodology rather than real progress.
- In addition, the United States’ withdrawal from the Paris Agreement has further weakened these gains.
- According to the World Resources Institute, the NDCs submitted so far bridge less than 14% of the emissions gap required to keep warming within 1.5°C.
- A closer look at the commitments makes the situation even more concerning. The E3G NDC Energy Commitments Tracker, which reviewed 101 national submissions by the end of 2025, found that while 94% of countries had included at least one pledge related to the energy transition, none had produced a fully integrated roadmap consistent with the COP28 energy package.
- This package, popularly known as the “UAE Consensus,” was adopted by nearly 200 countries in December 2023 and called for faster climate action through a shift away from fossil fuels, a tripling of global renewable energy capacity, and a doubling of improvements in energy efficiency by 2030 to keep the 1.5°C target within reach.
- Yet, despite these commitments, no country specified a concrete target for reducing oil and gas production, and almost three-fourths of the submissions made no reference to reforming fossil fuel subsidies.
- Furthermore, many developing countries have made their climate goals contingent on receiving international financial support, which currently remains far below the required scale.
- This leads to a striking paradox: even though NDCs themselves have had limited success in driving policy transformation, the clean energy transition is still gathering pace globally.
- In 2025, worldwide installations of solar and wind energy reached an unprecedented 814 GW, and renewable sources overtook coal to become the largest source of electricity generation globally in the first half of the year.
- However, this momentum appears to be driven less by NDC commitments and more by rapidly declining renewable energy costs, technological advances, and intense industrial competition, especially the dominant role played by China in clean energy manufacturing.
- In this sense, the NDC framework has been more effective in recording and reflecting ongoing progress than in actually compelling countries to undertake the deep structural reforms necessary for a complete transition away from fossil fuels
- A recent study by the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), highlighted by Carbon Brief, indicates that India’s COâ‚‚ emissions increased by only 0.7% in 2025, marking the slowest pace of growth since 2001, excluding the exceptional pandemic year of 2020.
- This represents a sharp slowdown compared to the 4–11% annual rise recorded during 2021–24. The major reason behind this moderation was the power sector, where emissions declined by 3.8%.
- Notably, electricity generation from coal registered a fall for the first time since 1973 outside the Covid period. CREA notes that in 2025, India added nearly 47 GW of solar capacity, 6.3 GW of wind power, 4 GW of hydropower, and 0.6 GW of nuclear energy, creating enough clean electricity capacity to meet up to 5% of the growth in demand.
- However, this improvement was not uniform across all sectors. Emissions from steel production rose by 8%, while the cement sector expanded by 10%, contributing to the modest overall increase in emissions.
- According to the analysis, India’s power sector may be approaching a turning point as early as 2026, when the amount of newly installed clean energy capacity could fully match the annual rise in electricity demand.
- Supporting this outlook, the Central Electricity Authority’s National Generation Adequacy Plan estimates that non-fossil fuel capacity will reach 786 GW by 2035–36, accounting for nearly 70% of the total installed capacity, with solar power alone expected to exceed 500 GW.
- At the same time, some observers urge caution. They point out that 2025 witnessed relatively mild summer conditions, limited heatwaves, and subdued industrial activity, factors that may have temporarily reduced energy demand and emissions growth.
- Therefore, while the findings are encouraging, it may still be too early to treat this as a long-term structural shift, and a clearer trend would need to be confirmed over the coming years
India’s Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) assesses its climate progress through the metric of emissions intensity, that is, the volume of emissions released for every unit of GDP produced. Under this method, total emissions are still allowed to rise, so long as the economy expands at a faster rate than the growth in emissions. India has justified this approach on the basis of equity and developmental fairness, emphasizing that its per capita emissions are still only a small share of those seen in many developed Western countries.
However, certain inconsistencies continue to remain. The country is planning to add nearly 100 GW of coal-based power capacity over the next seven years, channel around $1 trillion into petrochemical investments by 2040, and expand coal-dependent steel production capacity by 50% by 2031. These plans appear to sit uneasily alongside its long-term climate commitments. In addition, as highlighted by Vibhuti Garg of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, more than 37 GW of renewable energy capacity is currently lying underutilized because the power grid is not yet fully prepared to absorb and transmit it efficiently.
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For Prelims: Paris Agreement, Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), Fossil fuels
For Mains: GS III - Environment and Ecology
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Previous Year Questions
1. The term ‘Intended Nationally Determined Contributions’ is sometimes seen in the news in the context of (2016) (a) pledges made by the European countries to rehabilitate refugees from the war-affected Middle East (b) plan of action outlined by the countries of the world to combat climate change (c) capital contributed by the member countries in the establishment of Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (d) plan of action outlined by the countries of the world regarding Sustainable Development Goals Answer: (b) 2. With reference to the Agreement at the UNFCCC Meeting in Paris in 2015, which of the following statements is/are correct? (2016)
Select the correct answer using the code given below. (a) 1 and 3 only (b) 2 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3 Answer: (b) Mains
1. Describe the major outcomes of the 26th session of the Conference of the Parties (COP) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). What are the commitments made by India in this conference? (2021) 2. ‘Climate Change’ is a global problem. How will India be affected by climate change? How Himalayan and coastal states of India are affected by climate change? (2017) |
CHABAHAR PORT
1.Context
2.Why is Chabahar back in the news?
- Ahead of the visit to Iran, where Mr Sonowal met with senior Ministers as well as officials connected to the Shahid Beheshti terminal project development.
- An official statement said that the visit would be a chance to "Strengthen ties and the maritime relationship" between the two countries.
- Due to the pandemic, there were fewer visits from India to Iran and vice-versa.
- This visit will also highlight the importance of Chabahar as a gateway for Indian Trade with Europe, Russia and the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) Countries.
- Mr Sonowal reviewed the progress in the work on the terminal and handed over six mobile harbour cranes to improve efficiency and invigorate the potential of chabahar in the loading and unloading operations at the port.
3.India's strategic vision
The first agreement for Chabahar was signed by then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 2003, the plan had a three-fold objective.
- To build India's first offshore port and to project Indian infrastructure prowess in the Gulf,
- To circumvent trade through Pakistan, given the tense ties with India's neighbour and build a long-term, sustainable sea trade route and
- To find an alternative land route to Afghanistan, which India had rebuilt ties with after the defeat of the Taliban in 2001.
| Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's government constructed the Zaranj-Delaram Highway in Afghanistan's South, which would help connect the trade route from the border of Iran to the main trade routes to Heart and Kabul, handing it over to the Karzai government in 2009. |
4.Trilateral Agreement
- In 2016, Prime Minister Narendra Modi travelled to Tehran and signed the agreement to develop Chabahar port, as well as the trilateral agreement for trade through Chabahar with Afghanistan's President Ashraf Ghani.
- Since the India Ports Global Chabahar Free Zone (IPGCFZ) authority took over the operations of the port in 2018.
- It has handled 215 vessels, 16, 000 TEUs (Twenty-foot Equivalent Units) and four million tons of bulk and general cargo, the government said in Parliament last month.
5.Chabahar Route
- In the last few years, a fourth strategic objective for the Chabahar route has appeared, with China's Belt and Road Initiative making inroads in the region.
- The government hopes to provide Central Asia with an alternate route to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) through Iran for Future Trade.
| Mr Sonowal in his Speech at the Chabahar Day function said that it is India's vision to make the Shahid Beheshti port a transit hub and link it to the International North-South Trade Corridor (INSTC) that also connects to Russia and Europe. |
6.Reasons for the delay
- Since the beginning, the development of the Shahid Beheshti terminal in Chabahar, as well as surrounding infrastructure, has hit geopolitical roadblock after roadblock.
- The biggest issue has been over Iran's relationship with western countries, especially the United States.
- In years when Western sanctions against Iran increased and the Chabahar project has been put on the back-burner, while in the years when nuclear talks that resulted in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015 came into being, the Chabahar port has been easier to work on.
- In 2018, the U.S. Trump administration put paid to India's plans by walking out of the JCPOA and slapping new sanctions on dealing with Iran.
- This led to the Modi Government "Zeroing out" all its oil imports from Iran, earlier a major supplier to India, causing a strain in ties.
- Even though the U.S. made a special "carve-out" on sanctions for Chabahar.
- On the ground, has been difficult to source equipment for the port construction from infrastructure companies that continue to fear secondary sanctions, as well as to engage in shipping and insurance companies for trade through Chabahar.
7.Ties with Taliban
- The Modi Government also snapped ties with Afghanistan after the Taliban takeover in August 2021, which put an end to the Humanitarian aid of wheat and pulses that were being sent to Kabul via Chabahar.
- When India restarted Wheat aid to Afghanistan this year, it negotiated with Pakistan to use the land route instead.
- With the government now reopening the Indian Embassy in Kabul and Establishing ties with the Taliban government.
- The Chabahar route may once again be employed, another reason for the recent flurry of activity at the Iranian port the terminal that India has pinned so many hopes on.
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For Prelims: Chabahar Port, Belt and Road Initiative
For Mains: Significance of Chabahar Port to India, Relation between Iran and India
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Previous Year Questions
1.What is the importance of developing Chabahar Port by India? (2017) (a) India’s trade with African countries will enormously increase. (b) India’s relations with oil-producing Arab countries will be strengthened. (c) India will not depend on Pakistan for access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. (d) Pakistan will facilitate and protect the installation of a gas pipeline between Iraq and India Answer (c) The development of Chabahar Port by India is crucial because it provides India with an alternative route to Afghanistan and Central Asia, bypassing Pakistan. The port, located in Iran, helps India enhance its strategic and economic ties in the region, facilitating trade and transportation while reducing its reliance on Pakistan for land access to Afghanistan
Mains
1. In what ways would the ongoing U.S-Iran Nuclear Pact Controversy affect the national interest of India? How should India respond to this situation? (2018) 2. The question of India’s Energy Security constitutes the most important part of India’s economic progress. Analyse India’s energy policy cooperation with West Asian countries. (2017) |
STUBBLE BURNING
1. Context
2. What is Stubble?
Stubble refers to the leftover plant material, mainly crop residues, that remains in the field after the primary crop has been harvested. This includes the stems, leaves, and other organic material that is left behind.
Stubble burning is a common agricultural practice where farmers set fire to crop residues, such as straw and stubble, that remain in the field after the main crop (usually paddy or wheat) has been harvested. This practice is typically used as a quick and cost-effective method to clear the field for the next planting season. Stubble burning is particularly prevalent in regions with mechanized farming, where machines like combine harvesters leave behind a significant amount of crop residues.
3. Stubble burning contributes to air pollution
When stubble is burned, it releases a variety of pollutants into the air, including particulate matter, carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, and sulfur dioxide. These pollutants can cause several health problems, including respiratory problems, heart disease, and cancer.
Stubble burning is a major contributor to air pollution in many parts of the world. In India, for example, stubble burning is responsible for up to 30% of the air pollution in Delhi during the winter months.
- Stubble burning generates fine particulate matter (PM2.5 and PM10) that can penetrate deep into the respiratory system, leading to respiratory problems and reduced air quality.
- The combustion of stubble releases carbon monoxide, which can have adverse health effects when inhaled, particularly in enclosed spaces.
- Stubble burning produces Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs), which can react with other pollutants in the atmosphere, contributing to the formation of ground-level ozone, a major air pollutant.
- Burning stubble emits greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide (CO2) and methane (CH4), contributing to climate change.
- The combustion of crop residues can release various hazardous chemicals and pollutants, further deteriorating air quality.
4. About the Central Scheme for the Promotion of Agricultural Mechanisation for In-Situ Management of Crop Residue
The Central Scheme on Promotion of Agricultural Mechanisation for In-Situ Management of Crop Residue (AMICMR) is a scheme launched by the Government of India to promote the use of in-situ techniques for managing crop residue. In-situ techniques are those that are used to manage crop residue on the field, rather than burning it. Examples of in-situ techniques include:
- Mulching is the practice of covering the soil with a layer of organic material, such as straw or leaves. This can help to suppress weeds, retain moisture, and improve soil health.
- Zero tillage is the practice of planting crops without tilling the soil. This can help to prevent soil erosion and retain moisture in the soil.
- Direct seeding is the practice of planting seeds directly into the soil, rather than transplanting seedlings. This can help to reduce soil disturbance and prevent the spread of weeds.
The AMICMR scheme provides financial assistance to farmers to purchase machinery that can be used for in-situ management of crop residue. The scheme also provides training and extension services to farmers on how to use these techniques.
The AMICMR scheme is a promising initiative that could help to reduce air pollution caused by stubble burning. However, the scheme needs to be scaled up and made more widely available to farmers to have a significant impact.
5. Conclusion
Stubble burning is a major contributor to air pollution in many parts of the world. However, there are several alternatives to stubble burning, such as in-situ management of crop residue. In-situ management of crop residue is a more sustainable way to manage stubble, as it does not release pollutants into the air and has several benefits for soil health and crop yields.
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For Prelims: Stubble burning, air pollution, particulate matter, carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, sulfur dioxide, PM2.5, PM10, Volatile Organic Compounds, ozone, carbon dioxide, methane, Climate Change, The Central Scheme on Promotion of Agricultural Mechanisation for In-Situ Management of Crop Residue,
For Mains:
1. Critically evaluate the effectiveness of the Central Scheme on Promotion of Agricultural Mechanisation for In-Situ Management of Crop Residue (AMICMR) in addressing the issue of stubble burning in India. (250 Words)
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Previous Year Questions 1. In the cities of our country, which among the following atmospheric gases are normally considered in calculating the value of Air Quality Index? ( UPSC 2016)
Select the correct answer using the code given below: (a) 1, 2 and 3 only (b) 2, 3 and 4 only (c) 1, 4 and 5 only (d) 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 Answer: B 2. Acid rain is caused by the pollution of the environment (UPSC 2013, 2022) (a) Carbon Dioxide and Nitrogen (b) Carbon Monoxide and Carbon Dioxide (c) Ozone and Carbon Dioxide (d) Nitrous Oxide and Sulphur Dioxide Answer:D 3. Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) is a standard criterion for (UPSC 2017) (a) Measuring oxygen level in blood (b) Computing oxygen levels in forest ecosystems (c) Pollution assay in aquatic ecosystem (d) Assessing oxygen levels in high-altitude regions Answer: C 4. Consider the following: (UPSC 2019) 1. Carbon monooxide
2. Methane
3. Ozone
4. Sulphur dioxide
Which of the above are released into atmosphere due to the burning of crop/biomass residue? A. 1 and 2 only B. 2, 3 and 4 only C. 1 and 4 only D. 1, 2, 3 and 4 Answer: D 5. What is Particulate matter? (BPSC 2016) A. Solid residue B. Air pollutant C. Water pollutant D. Soil pollutant E. None of the above/More than one of the above Answer: B 6. Carbon monoxide is a poisonous gas because it: (OPSC OAS 2021) A. Binds to digestive hormones
B. Damages lungs
C. Destroys RBCs
D. Binds to haemoglobin
Answer: D 7. Consider the following statements: (UPSC 2019) 1. Agricultural soils release nitrogen oxides into environment.
2. Cattle release ammonia into environment.
3. Poultry industry releases reactive nitrogen compounds into environment.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct? A. 1 and 3 only B. 2 and 3 only C. 2 only D. 1, 2 and 3 Answer: D 8. In the context of WHO Air Quality Guidelines, consider the following statements: (UPSC 2022) 1. The 24-hour mean of PM2.5 should not exceed 15 μg/m³ and annual mean of PM2.5 should not exceed 5 μg/m³.
2. In a year, the highest levels of ozone pollution occur during the periods of inclement weather.
3. PM10 can penetrate the lung barrier and enter the bloodstream. 4. Excessive ozone in the air can trigger asthma.
Which of the statements given above are correct? A. 1, 3 and 4 B. 1 and 4 only C. 2, 3 and 4 D.1 and 2 only Answer: B 9. Which of the following is a VOC? (MP Vyapam Sub Engineer Mechanical 2022) A. Toulene B. Water C. Carbon dioxide D. Carbon monoxide Answer: A 10. Which of the following Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs) are emitted from anthropogenic sources only? (UGC NET 2023) A. Isoprene
B. Benzene
C. Terpene
D. Methane
E. Toluene
1. A, B and C Only 2. B and E Only 3. A and C Only 4. C, D and E Only Answer: 2 11. Which one of the following is associated with the issue of control and phasing out of the use of ozone-depleting substance? (UPSC 2015) A. Bretton Woods Conference B. Montreal Protocol C. Kyoto Porotocol D. Nagoya Protocol Answer: B 12. The increasing amount of carbon dioxide in the air is slowly raising the temperature of the atmosphere, because it absorbs (UPSC 2012) A. the water vapour of the air and retains its heat
B. the ultraviolet part of the solar radiation
C. all the solar radiations
D. the infrared part of the solar radiation
Answer: D 13. Which of the following adds/add carbon dioxide to the carbon cycle on the planet Earth? (UPSC 2014) 1. Volcanic action
2. Respiration
3. Photosynthesis
4. The decay of organic matter
Select the correct answer using the code given below A. 1 and 3 only B. 2 only C. 1, 2 and 4 only D. 1, 2, 3 and 4 Answer: C 14. Which of the following statements are correct about the deposits of 'methane hydrate'? (UPSC 2019) 1. Global warming might trigger the release of methane gas from these deposits.
2. Large deposits of 'methane hydrate' are found in Arctic Tundra and under the seafloor.
3. Methane in atmosphere oxidizes to carbon dioxide after a decade or two.
Select the correct answer using the code given below: A. 1 and 2 only B. 2 and 3 only C. 1 and 3 only D. 1, 2 and 3 Answer: D 15. With reference to two non-conventional energy sources called 'coalbed methane' and 'shale gas' consider the following statements: (UPSC 2014) 1. Coalbed methane is the pure methane gas extracted from coal seams, while shale gas is a mixture of propane and butane only that can be extracted from fine-grained sedimentary rocks. 2. In India, abundant coalbed methane sources exist, but so far no shale gas sources have been found. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? A. 1 only B. 2 only C. Both 1 and 2 D. Neither 1 nor 2 Answer: D Mains
1. Describe the key points of the revised Global Air Quality Guidelines (AQGs) recently released by the World Health Organisation (WHO). How are these different from its last update in 2005? What changes in India’s National Clean Air Programme are required to achieve revised standards? ( UPSC 2021)
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